Brian Garfield

Target Manhattan

DeFeo

Your name, please?

Walter F. DeFeo.

Will you read your official title and position into the record, please.

I’m the director of the New York Civil Defense Emergency Control Board. Our office is at Three Oh Five Broadway.

You understand the purpose of this inquiry?

I understand it, Mr. Skinner. I’m not sure if you do.

I see. What is it you think I don’t understand?

Officially you’re supposed to be doing an in-depth investigation of the disaster to find out how we might have done a coordinated job of heading it off. You’re here, ostensibly, to find some way of insuring that this kind of thing never happens again. That the idea?

Essentially.

That’s the avowed purpose. Actually you’re looking for scapegoats. The mayor’s got his tail in a wringer and he needs to find somebody he can pin it on. Get rid of the stink. Pass the buck.

You think I’ve been commissioned to create a frame-up or a cover-up?

I wouldn’t say that. I don’t know you… only by reputation. Your reputation’s good enough. But I still think some poor bastard’s head is going to roll when you get finished with your investigation. Maybe it’ll be my head-who knows? I’m close to retirement, it wouldn’t do me much damage if I had a can tied to my tail. Am I the sacrificial goat?

Mr. DeFeo, you’re only the fourth witness who’s appeared here. I’ve got weeks of interviews ahead of me.

Then maybe you’ll listen to a word of advice from an old hand in the business of political legerdemain. You’re an academic, not a politician. That’s why I think you probably don’t understand this kind of operation. I’m not impugning your sincerity. I’m only pointing out that mayors and governors and presidents devote half their time in office to the assembling and appointing of commissions of inquiry, and that the only invariable rule of politics is that nothing ever comes of these inquiries. Except for the occasional rolling of the occasional head. The whole ritual is an exercise in waving the right hand violently in front of the public eye in order to distract attention from what the left hand is doing under the table. In a case like this one, of course, the left hand is doing nothing at all. That’s exactly what it should be doing, but the public wouldn’t go for that. The public wants to know how it happened and why it happened and why somebody didn’t have an instant solution to take care of the problem the minute it arose. The public wants blood, Mr. Skinner. That’s why the mayor needs a scapegoat, and that’s why you’re here, and I doubt you really understand that. I doubt you understood it before, and I rather doubt you understand it now.

I don’t think we’re getting off on the right foot. If it will reassure you, I’ve received no instructions-either explicit or implied-to pin blame on any individual or group of individuals. My job, quite specifically, is to determine whether there’s any way we can prepare better preventives for future contingencies of this kind.

You can’t, Mr. Skinner. But of course that’s what the public won’t buy. We live under the constant threat of instant extermination. Emotionally nobody but a suicide can contend with that. We want guarantees. We want them, but of course they don’t exist. How could they? Look, it’s meaningless trying to pin the blame on anybody or trying to forestall future wild-card attacks. This kind of thing falls under the classification of acts of God. You can’t expect anybody to anticipate every wild delusion of every deranged mind out there. My civil-defense office has a handful of employees. Our area encompasses nearly twenty million people. Do you think we can read twenty million minds? There was no way to predict that a kook in a thirty-year-old bomber would circle over Manhattan Island threatening to demolish the city if we didn’t pay him five million dollars’ ransom. Somebody could do exactly the same thing again tomorrow over Washington or Philadelphia or Los Angeles and we’d be no better prepared for it than we were for this one. It’s a hurricane, Mr. Skinner, it’s a tidal wave, an earthquake. Don’t you see, it’s simply a crime-and the only way you can prevent a crime is to know in advance that it’s going to take place.

Not necessarily. It’s possible to look at this kind of behavior as a disease. We’ve found preventives for a good many diseases.

You won’t find any for this one.

We won’t know that until we’ve tried, will we?

I’ve said my piece, Mr. Skinner. Let’s get on with the questioning.

Very well. I have the feeling the interviewer has just been interviewed, but let’s try to get back on the track. Perhaps you could give me a brief summary of what part you took in the events, and then we can go into detail.

Well I’ll make it very brief, and you can call for expansion on whatever details you want. I’d just returned to my office from lunch. I had a call from Joel Azzard of the FBI. He was downtown at the Merchants Trust Bank. He told me what the situation was. I only half-believed him. I had to go over and look out the window before I was convinced.

And you saw the plane?

Damnedest thing I ever saw. I’d seen the things in newsreels during the war and I don’t suppose I’d thought of them since then. It looked so close you could almost reach out and touch it. Right over the rooftops.

What did you do?

I notified various appropriate authorities.

For example?

Well, air-traffic control at the three New York airports, for example. And the police department, division of harbor patrol. I mean, the police were in on it by then, but evidently it hadn’t occurred to them to notify the harbor division. I did so, and they made every effort to clear the harbor of traffic. Barges, pleasure craft, that sort of thing. There wasn’t time to clear the liners and big freighters out, of course. But there was some talk of trying to shoot him down into the Hudson or the East River and we attempted to clear those bodies of water.

Successfully, I gather.

Yes, we had all traffic off the rivers by about half past three. And air traffic had been put on stand-down. Outgoing flights were postponed and remained on the ground. Incoming flights were diverted to Boston and other airports. You can imagine the number of irate passengers. But that was the least of it. Christ, it’s been weeks and you can still smell the smoke uptown.

Swarthout

Your name, please?

Philip B. Swarthout.

You reside at Two Eighteen East Forty-ninth Street in Manhattan?

That’s right, yes.

Your official position, Mr. Swarthout? This is for the record.

Assistant Deputy Mayor of New York. My job is to coordinate operations of the various security and emergency departments in the city government. And maintain liaison with outside agencies that function in the city-the FBI, the Narcotics Bureau, that sort of thing.

You understand the purpose of this inquiry?

Yes, certainly.

Do you have a prepared statement you’d like to offer at this time?

No. Was I expected to prepare one?

Not at all. A few witnesses have asked to read their statements into the record. I thought you might…

I’d like to try to help clear this thing up. I came here to answer questions. It’s your investigation, Mr. Skinner-you ask them, I’ll try to answer them.

The commission appreciates your cooperation, Mr. Swarthout. All right, let’s begin with the chronology. When did the incident first come to your attention?

You mean the time of day

The time and the circumstances.

I was ready to go to lunch-it must have been about twelve twenty. I had a call from the Police Commissioner’s office-Deputy Commissioner Toombes. He said he’d been on the horn with the president of Merchants Trust-he said they had this nut on their hands.

By “this nut” you mean Harold Craycroft?

No. Craycroft was the one in the airplane. The one in the bank was Charles Ryterband, but we didn’t know that at first. He’d given his name as something else-William Roberts, something like that.

According to Deputy Commissioner Toombes’ log, the call to your office was placed at eleven minutes past twelve. Does that jibe with your recollection? Just now you said it was about twelve twenty.

It probably took a few minutes to get through to my desk. I had a lot of calls that morning.

What I’m trying to get at, Mr. Swarthout, didn’t your switchboard break in and tell you there was an emergency?

No.

No? That’s all-just no?

Nobody said anything about an emergency. When Andy Toombes came on the line, he said just what I’ve told you. He said, “We’ve got a nut on our hands, Phil.”

In other words nobody seemed to be taking it very seriously at that point, is that right?

Mr. Skinner, you’re not a police officer. I understand the Mayor’s intentions-setting up this independent review commission-but I think you’re going to have to accept the fact that those of us who are involved full time in security procedures have to contend with cranks and nut cases all the time. Most of them are just trying to attract attention, in their warped way. They threaten to assassinate the mayor or pollute the Central Park reservoir or off the pigs. They’re crazy people-they wouldn’t have the slightest idea how to go about actually doing what they threaten to do. I don’t know what motivates them-you’d have to ask a psychiatrist-but in my experience nearly all these crazies are attention cravers. Who knows? Maybe they’re just lonely-they want to be arrested so they’ll have somebody to talk to.

Then you’re saying neither you nor Deputy Commissioner Toombes took the threat seriously.

We take every threat seriously, Mr. Skinner. That’s our job.

Isn’t that a contradiction to what you just told me?

Not at all. Toombes took Ryterband seriously. Seriously enough to call me.

But not seriously enough to instruct his secretary to make it an emergency call?

It wasn’t an emergency yet. Look, every time there’s a parade down Fifth Avenue we get crank calls threatening to snipe at the parade from the rooftops. We have to sift every call, post men on every rooftop sometimes. But it’s not an emergency unless you actually find a guy up there with a rifle. Do you see what I’m trying to get at?

In other words you’d heard Ryterband’s threat but you didn’t know whether there was any truth in it.

We didn’t have any confirmation. Not that early. It was just another crank at that stage. Every business day somebody walks up to a bank teller in New York City and hands over a note saying, “I’ve got a gun in my pocket. Clean out your cash drawer.” Ninety-nine percent of the time there’s no gun in his pocket.

But it’s standard procedure for the tellers to hand over the money anyway, isn’t it?

Sure. He might turn but to be the one percent who’s got a real gun. We’ve got camera surveillance in the banks. Silent alarms. It’s SOP to let the guy walk out with the money. Nine times out of ten he’s nabbed before he gets across the sidewalk, or identified from the photograph and arrested within twelve hours. We’d have done the same thing with Ryterband except his demands were so outrageous.

Could you explain that a bit more?

If a guy walks up to the teller’s window and hands over a note that says, “I’ve got a gun in my pocket. Give me five million dollars in cash,” I mean, let’s face it, you’re going to have to see the gun before you think about handing over that much money, even if you were able to. And you couldn’t anyway, obviously, because nobody’s got five million dollars in cash lying around, have they? You’ve got to be certifiably crazy to make demands that can’t possibly be met.

All right, let’s move ahead. The Deputy Commissioner called you. What action did you take?

Well, the first thing I did was to ask him what action he’d taken. There’s no point in duplicating effort. Toombes told me he’d already notified the FBI, and he’d dispatched a team from Special Investigations down to the Merchants Trust to talk to Ryterband. The bank’s own security guards were holding Ryterband in custody in Maitland’s office. He wasn’t going anywhere. I told Toombes I’d get back to him, and he said he’d get back to me as soon as he had further word from the SI sergeant on the Ryterband interrogation. Then I got on the horn to the Port Authority security office and told them to check out the airplane.

By “check out the airplane” you mean give it a close looking over?

No, Mr. Skinner, by “checking it out” I mean finding out whether the airplane existed at all.

Couldn’t you see it? Hear it?

We work in sealed offices you know. Like this one. Air-conditioning, climate-control ventilation systems. The windows don’t open. They’re double-pane thermal glass. Look out that window, Mr. Skinner. What do you see? A steel-and-glass egg crate just like this one. You’d have to crane your neck and push your nose against the window to get a glimpse of a patch of sky. No, I didn’t hear anything and I didn’t see anything. I asked the Port Authority people to send one of their helicopters up and have a look.

Tell me this. How much time passed between Ryterband’s first appearance on the scene and the Deputy Commissioner’s call to you?

That would be hearsay, wouldn’t it?

We’re not in court.

I know. But I also know what you’re getting at.

I’m not trying to trick you, Mr. Swarthoui.

You’re doing your job, Mr. Skinner. Your job is to find out whether we made mistakes in handling the situation. To find out how efficiently or inefficiently we handled it. That makes it a sensitive question, from my point of view. You see that? That’s why I’d just as soon not make guesses at how long it took. I wasn’t in Maitland’s office. I don’t know how long Ryterband had been there before they called me. All I know is what they told me, and I’d just as soon you got that information from the people who were actually there. Maitland talked to Ryterband, then he called in his own security people, then they called the police, and it went up the ladder of command in the PD, and at some point the police called me. That was the order of events. It’s standard. Now as to how long it all took, I’d rather not speculate. I’d prefer to testify to my own participation and the things I observed firsthand. Is that unreasonable?

Would you like a cup of coffee?

Yes, thanks.

Maitland

Could you give us your name and title please, for the record?

Paul Bankhead Maitland. I’m fifty-four. I maintain residences in Brewster in Putnam County, and at Sixty-two Sutton Place. I’m the president and chief executive officer of the Merchants Trust Bank. Our head offices are at Sixty Beaver Street.

In the Wall Street area.

Yes, certainly.

I mention that because the threat must have been particularly menacing to you in that area, where so many tall densely populated buildings are crowded so close together.

It would have been menacing enough in an open cornfield, I can assure you.

We’re very grateful you volunteered your time to assist in this inquiry. Can you tell me what happened on May the twenty-second, beginning with the arrival of Charles Ryterband in your office?

Actually it would be better to start at the beginning, wouldn’t it?

Excuse me. I thought that was the beginning.

I’d rather be precise about it. The man made an appointment with me for that morning, but the appointment had been made two days earlier-on the Monday. Indicating, you see, that they had planned it with some care.

I see.

Someone-I assume it was Ryterband-called our public-relations office on the Monday. The twentieth of May that was. He gave his name as Willard Roberts and identified himself as a journalist with Business Week.

And he asked for an interview with you?

Yes. He evidently said the magazine was doing a cover story on the subject of the prime rate. He must have impressed our public-relations people with his plausibility. An appointment was arranged through my secretary.

For Wednesday morning, the twenty-second?

Yes. I’m told Roberts-Ryterband-insisted on that day and time, pleading the exigencies of the magazine’s deadline. All very plausible, you see?

Yes. Very well. You made the appointment, and he showed up on schedule. What time was that?

You can understand that I’ve asked a few questions myself, for my own clarification. My secretary informs me that he arrived punctually on the twenty-sixth floor. That was at ten o’clock. Actually he may have been a few minutes early. I had a meeting of the executive vice-presidents that morning at nine and it ran a bit long. Ryterband was kept waiting for perhaps fifteen minutes beyond the appointed hour before I could see him. He was visibly agitated when my secretary ushered him into my office.

Agitated by the delay or by nervousness caused by his intentions?

That would be hard to say. I assumed at the time that it was caused by the delay.

How did he begin?

My secretary was still in the room at that point. He was containing himself, I thought, with visible effort. He seemed to have to force himself to utter the amenities-how he appreciated my kindness in taking the time to grant the interview, that sort of thing.

Then your secretary left the room?

Yes. Then an immediate change came over the man. He seated himself, then stood up and went straight to the window behind my desk and peered upward toward the sky.

You must have thought that was a bit odd.

Yes, of course, I did. But he was talking all the time, in a hoarse voice. He was terribly upset. He berated me for the delay in admitting him to my office. He ranted on briefly, about the arrogance of executives and doctors and people of that sort who make it a habit of keeping people waiting. “Cooling our heels,” that was the phrase he used. I was on the point of having him thrown out of my office. Then he wheeled toward me with quite a terrifying grin on his face. I couldn’t describe it. For a moment I was terrified-by the sheer intensity of it. He’d broken out in a sweat. I can remember it vividly. My hands were locked onto the arms of my chair as if it were a dentist’s chair. It was quite remarkable, you see-all this happened before he uttered any threats at all. It was simply his face, his demeanor. It was like having some wild predator loose in my office.

How soon did he come to the point?

Almost instantly. He was standing by the side of my desk, looming over me. He was leaning on his palms, on the desk. He said I had to listen very carefully to him-he said thousands of lives depended on it.

Excuse me, but what time was this?

I’d say it must have been ten twenty or so. Not later than ten twenty-five.

Thank you. I’m sorry I interrupted-go on.

He told me about the airplane.

Can you recall precisely what he said? His exact words?

I’ve tried to reconstruct it, of course. But I was stunned by what he said.

I understand. But if you could try to recall what he told you…

He said his partner was “up there.” He pointed toward the ceiling, the top of the window. A rather wild gesture-he just threw up his arm. His partner, he said-or perhaps he said “my brother”-I’m not sure; he used the terms interchangeably later on, but I’m fairly sure that in the beginning he only referred to the man in the airplane as his partner. I’m sorry, I keep digressing. I’m trying to be accurate.

I appreciate that, Mr. Maitland. Take your time.

He said his partner was up there in an airplane. Actually he didn’t use the word “airplane.” I remember now-he was very specific, he pronounced the phrase with precise care. “A Flying Fortress bomber.” He said his partner was up there, above the city, in a Flying Fortress bomber. He said if I didn’t do exactly as I was told, his partner would rain high-explosive on the city of New York. That was his phrase, or something very close to it.

Then he told you his demands?

He may have. I’m afraid I can’t remember exactly the order of events. I was stunned… I’ve said that, haven’t I?

Just reconstruct it as clearly as you can, Mr. Maitland. Ryterband said his partner would drop bombs on the city if you didn’t cooperate. Then what happened?

He kept talking very rapidly. I had to stop him. I must have been rather dazed. It wasn’t so much what he’d said. We’ve had absurd threats before, of various kinds. But it was the intensity of his presence. That atavistic terror he somehow inspired. It’s very hard to describe. I found it difficult to think. I couldn’t follow what he was saying. I had to interrupt him, although I was afraid to. Does that make sense to you?

I think so.

I just don’t know what he was saying at first. I had to make him start again and speak slowly. He didn’t like that-it enraged him even more. He stormed around my office in exasperation. Under other circumstances it would have been comical-he seemed on the verge of apoplexy. I’m sorry. I’m not narrating this very coherently.

You’re doing just fine, Mr. Maitland. Just tell it in your own words, anyway you like. I’ll ask questions if anything is unclear.

Yes, of course. Very well-just let me get a grip on myself.

Rabinowitz

Your name?

Ira Rabinowitz.

Your position and title?

Chief security officer for the Beaver Street offices of the Merchants Trust Bank.

Is that your exact title, Mr. Rabinowitz?

Assistant Vice-President in charge of security.

Thank you…

We did our best with it, Mr. Skinner. My people in that bank can’t be faulted. If you’re looking for where to pin the blame, you’d better look somewhere else. We’ve got the best internal security systems of any bank in the city. We’ve never had a major vault robbery. Our losses in negotiable securities have been less than any bank’s. We keep tight tabs on our employees and it’s paid off. I just want to make it clear-what some nut does in an airplane, that’s not our job. That’s a job for the FBI or the United States Air Force. It’s not bank security. Our job is to protect the bank against robbery, and we do that job as well or better than any other security organization in the country.

I appreciate that. We’re not trying to pin blame on anyone at all.

I just wanted to make it clear.

Fine. Now, I wonder if you’d tell me when you were first brought into the case.

I had a call from Mr. Maitland’s secretary. She asked me if I’d mind stepping up to his office right away.

This was on May the twenty-second?

Wednesday. Yes, that’s right. The twenty-second.

What time was that?

About a quarter to eleven. In the morning.

And you arrived in Maitland’s office when?

Maybe two minutes later. My office is one floor below the executive suite. I used the stairs.

What did you find when you got there?

The secretary let me go right in. I found Mr. Maitland and another man in the main office.

And?

Mr. Maitland said this man was threatening to blow up the city if we didn’t fork up five million dollars in unmarked cash.

What happened then?

I guess I got a little sarcastic. I mean, this guy really looked like a nut case, you know? He was pretty big, but he had on this herringbone-tweed suit that looked like something they issue you when they let you out of the rubber room someplace. And he was covered with sweat. Eyes bulging out. He looked a lot more scared than Mr. Maitland did.

Did he know you were the security officer?

I don’t think so. I think Mr. Maitland had told him I was a bank officer, that was all. Maybe he expected me to get up the cash.

You said you got sarcastic. What did you say to him?

I don’t remember exactly. I said something about did he have the hydrogen bomb in his hip pocket or his shirt. I guess I wasn’t taking it very seriously at first. But it didn’t take long at all to wise up. This guy didn’t say anything at first. It was Mr. Maitland who did the talking. He told me the guy claimed he had a partner up over the city in an airplane and they were threatening to drop bombs on the city if we didn’t pa the ransom.

Had Ryterband given him a deadline?

I don’t know. You’d have to ask Mr. Maitland.

What I’m getting at, Mr. Rabinowitz, is whether you were informed of the deadline.

Well, of course I was. But it didn’t happen right at the beginning there.

What did happen?

I told Mr. Maitland he ought to take it easy, the chances were the guy was a crazy, he was bluffing.

And?

Mr. Maitland said he realized that. But he said we had no choice but to act on the assumption that the threat was real.

Were those Maitland’s exact words?

Pretty close. Why’d you ask?

Because it sounds like the way Maitland would phrase it.

Anyway I took a seat. This guy looked rattled. I thought the best thing to do was try to calm him down, get him talking. I asked him his name. He stammered a little, then he said he was Willard Roberts. I asked him if he had any identification. He said, “Don’t be an idiot.” He said we were wasting precious time. He started yelling at me to get down to the vaults and start packing the money up. I told him it wasn’t that simple. In the first place we don’t keep that kind of cash on hand-no bank does, except maybe the Fed down at their incinerators-and in the second place, I told him, we had no way to know he wasn’t bluffing.

What did he say to that?

He said we’d find out soon enough, if we didn’t pay off. Then he went over to the window-it’s an old building, the Merchants Trust, it’s got those high ceilings and those tall vaulted windows. He pointed up through the window and told me to see for myself. I walked over to the window and looked the way he was pointing.

And?

I saw the plane.

Where was it?

Circling over the Battery, heading north over Manhattan. It was flying very low-right on top of the buildings.

Did you recognize the aircraft type?

I’m not an expert. I was in the infantry in Korea; I don’t know a whole lot about airplanes. But I could see it was an old one-four propellers. And it was pretty big. It looked like a bomber, if you know what I mean.

Were the bomb-bay doors open?

I don’t know. I don’t think so.

Go on, Mr. Rabinowitz.

He said that was his partner. He said he had a full load of five-hundred-pound bombs in the plane. He said his partner was going to circle over Manhattan Island until the ransom was paid or the time ran out. If the ransom was paid he’d go away. If it wasn’t paid by the deadline, the bombs would be dropped on New York City. Then he told me the deadline was ten minutes after five in the afternoon. He said the money had to be paid by then or the bombs would drop.

Did he say why they’d picked that particular time? Ten minutes after five?

It was because the largest number of people would be on the streets at that time. I don’t remember whether he explained that right then or later.

Actually didn’t he insist that the money be paid over somewhat earlier than that?

That was later.

How much later?

Maybe forty-five minutes, an hour. After the police came. Maybe after the FBI came.

Let’s break for lunch, shall we?

Toombes

Your name, please?

Andrew V. Toombes.

Your title?

Deputy Police Commissioner, New York Police Department. I have a statement I’d like to read into the record, if that’s permissible?

Of course. Go right ahead.

I’ve cleared this statement through the Commissioner. He concurs in it. I thought it might save us some time-the Commissioner’s a rather busy man, as you can imagine.

We hadn’t intended asking either the Commissioner or the Mayor to testify here, Mr. Toombes. Neither of them had any direct role in the events that are the subject of this inquiry. The Mayor was in Chicago at the mayors’ conference, and I believe the Police Commissioner was in Los Angeles attending a three-day symposium.

Yes sir, that’s right. Assistant Deputy Mayor Swarthout was the highest-ranking city official on the case. Then of course there were the federal authorities. Ultimately the case was their responsibility.

Well, that’s partly what we’re here to determine, isn’t it? If you’d read your statement now?

Just one more thing. This isn’t solely my personal statement. I’ve included information from reports from police officers of various ranks who were involved in the case. In the interests of saving time, you see. I realize you may still want to call some of these officers to testify, but maybe this statement will cut down on the number of them you’ll want to talk to personally. I don’t like to take a cop off his beat any oftener than I have to.

Thank you. We appreciate it, and we don’t intend calling unnecessary witnesses. If you’d care to proceed?

Thank you. I’ll skip over the formal address and such…

“The Craycroft-Ryterband case first came to the attention of NYPD through a telephone call from the Merchants Trust Bank to the First Police Division on Twenty-first Street. The call was placed by Mr. Ira Rabinowitz, chief of security for the bank. It was logged in at the Thirteenth Precinct at ten forty-eight A.M., May twenty-second.”

Excuse me for interrupting. Is the Merchants Bank on Beaver Street in the jurisdiction of the Thirteenth Precinct?

No. It would be in the First Precinct, on Front Street. Rabinowitz is a former police officer, however He put the call through direct to division headquarters, which is located in the Thirteenth Precinct building. It was the correct thing to do; it saved a bit of time.

I see. Go on, please.

“Information was received by Captain Henry L. Grofeld, chief of First Division, that a crime was in progress at the Merchants Trust Bank. This information was received at eleven oh nine, and Captain Grofeld responded by-”

Excuse me again. But that indicates a gap of twenty-one minutes between the time Rabinowitz phoned the division and the time the case came to the attention of the divisional commander. Isn’t that excessive?

No, sir. It’ll explain itself as I read on.

Very well. I’m sorry to keep interrupting you.

It might go faster if I simply read the whole statement into the record and you asked your questions afterward, Mr. Skinner.

I’ll try to do that. Proceed.

“Captain Grofeld responded by ordering Special Investigations Squad to dispatch a team of officers to the Merchants Trust Bank. He was informed that this action had already been taken by his deputy commander, Lieutenant James O’Hara, and that O’Hara had also instructed the nearest street-patrol team of officers to respond to the call personally.

“According to statements by officials of Merchants Trust Bank, the first officers to arrive on the scene-foot patrolmen Lester Weinstein and Salvatore Cris-cola-entered the offices of the bank president at ten fifty-seven. They were informed of the facts, to the extent of his limited knowledge, by Mr. Rabinowitz. They then informed the perpetrator, then identified as Willard Roberts, that he was in custody. The perpetrator was advised of his rights.

“A team of three officers from Special Investigations, headed by Sergeant William J. O’Brien, reached the scene at eleven oh six.”

O’Brien

Your name, please?

Yes sir. William J. O’Brien, Sergeant, New York Police Department. Assigned to Special Investigations Squad of the First Division, Manhattan.

Do you have a prepared statement, Sergeant?

No, sir. Captain Grofeld told me there was a formal statement coming in from the PC’s office. He told me to just answer your questions to the best of my ability.

We’ve been told you were sent to the Merchants Trust on the morning of May twenty-second, and you arrived there with two other officers at a few minutes after eleven. Is that correct?

Yes, sir.

What did you find when you got there?

Two uniformed patrolmen had the suspect in custody. That was in the bank president’s office.

Who was present when you arrived?

Do you mind if I consult my notes, sir?

Not at all.

Well, those present when we arrived were as follows: Mr. Paul Maitland, president of the bank. Mr. Ira Rabinowitz, security officer for the bank. Mrs. Leslie Villiers, who is Mr. Maitland’s secretary-she let us in, but she didn’t stay in the office. I assume she went back to her desk in the outer office. Uniformed patrolman Salvatore Criscola. Uniformed patrolman Lester Weinstein. And the suspect, of course. He gave his name as Willard Roberts, but later we found out his name was Charles Ryterband.

No one else was present at that time?

Not inside the main office, no, sir. There were a couple of bank security guards posted in the outer office. I believe Mr. Rabinowitz had stationed them there to prevent the suspect from trying to get away.

Had you been advised in advance of the nature of the case?

Lieutenant O’Hara had told me there was a nut down there who was threatening to blow up the city unless the bank paid him a fortune in cash. I’d put in a call to the bomb squad from the cruiser when we were on our way to the bank. The bomb-squad fellows arrived about five minutes after us, but of course there wasn’t anything for them to do there. They hung around, on my orders, in case any questions came up that they might be able to answer-about the bombs in the airplane, you know.

When did the FBI come into it?

Not until after I’d tried to interview the suspect, and reported back to headquarters by telephone. Then I believe Captain Grofeld consulted with the Deputy PC, and they decided to call in the federal officers. The FBI agents, two of them, arrived at the bank at approximately twelve fifteen, and about twenty minutes later the FBI District Director showed up.

That was more than an hour after you reached the scene, then.

It didn’t take that much time to establish that the threat was authentic, but there were a lot of phone calls to the lieutenant and the captain and the Deputy PC before they rang through to the federal people. It couldn’t be helped, you know. Things were a little confused.

I can readily understand that, Sergeant. Now let’s get back to the point where you first arrived. What did you do?

I asked Patrolman Criscola to report. He filled me in, as much as he could. He didn’t know much more than we did at that point. Ryterband hadn’t said much to him-just given him the name Willard Roberts.

What was Ryterband’s general attitude at that point?

I’d have to call it stubborn nervousness, sir. He was scared, but he was smug at the same time. He knew he had us over a barrel.

Did he seem perturbed that the banker had called in the police?

Not particularly, no, sir. He seemed to have expected it.

Then he hadn’t told Maitland or Rabinowitz to keep the police out of it?

Not to my knowledge.

Isn’t that a bit curious?

He probably knew there was no way to avoid having us brought in.

Why not?

Because he was asking for such a tremendous amount of money. He must have known the bank would have to go outside its own resources to raise that much cash. The word was bound to get around. He figured things would go faster if the authorities were in on it right from the beginning. They had a fairly foolproof scheme, sir. At least that was the way it looked to us.

How quickly did you form that opinion, Sergeant?

Pretty fast, to tell you the truth. Criscola brought me up to date as soon as I walked into the room. It happened that the B-17 was making a pass over the Wall Street area just then. I could see it from the window, going overhead. It was right down on the deck. Maybe fifteen hundred feet above sea level. You could just about count the rivets in its belly. I doubt he was clearing the World Trade Center and the Empire State Building by more than a few hundred feet. If he had armed bombs in the plane there was no way to get him down without blowing something up.

You know something about airplanes, then?

I was a bombardier in the Eighth Air Force, sir. On B-24s, but it comes to the same thing.

Then it would appear you were the right man at the right place at the right time.

Just coincidence, sir. And it turned out there wasn’t much I could do about it. Having a knowledge of old bombardment aircraft didn’t do me much good-it just confirmed in my mind that the suspect’s threats had real teeth in them.

Who suggested calling in the Air Force?

I did, sir.

At what time did you make that suggestion, and to whom?

My first telephone report to Lieutenant O’Hara. That was at approximately eleven twenty.

Then it was no more than fifteen minutes between the time you arrived at the scene and the time you made your first report back to the lieutenant?

Yes, sir. It took us that long to get a coherent story. Everybody was trying to talk at once, you know how it is. I stuck to Criscola until I had the outlines of the thing. Then I talked briefly with Ryterband. He didn’t add anything new-only repeated his threat and his demands. Then I called the lieutenant, reported in, told him about the situation, told him I’d actually seen the airplane up there. He said he’d seen it too, of course. It was flying back and forth, the length of Manhattan. I suppose most everybody had seen it by that time. A few people I’ve talked to thought, it was some kind of publicity stunt or somebody making a movie.

In fact, that was the department’s official explanation at the time, wasn’t it?

It was until the explosions, yes, sir. I mean the damn thing was there in plain sight of anybody in New York. Anybody over forty would recognize the plane from the war, and a lot of younger people had seen movies and TV shows like Twelve o’clock High. I mean, at that altitude nearly everybody on the street recognized it for what it was, and naturally there were a lot of telephone inquiries. The news media were particularly curious, but then that’s understandable. We had to tell them something. I mean the department had to. I don’t know who dreamed it up, but the official line that was given out was that they were making a movie. Naturally a gang of reporters kept after us to tell them what movie and what producer and what studio and who was the star. I don’t know how the department shunted those questions off, but I gather they did. Of course you know New Yorkers-everybody had their own theory. All kinds of street-corner superstitions and wise-ass ideas. Some middle-aged German immigrant had a heart attack on Forty-third Street. Turned out he’d been in Dresden during the war.

So you suggested to the lieutenant that they ought to bring in the Air Force?

Yes, sir. Somebody who might be able to figure out how to handle the situation. He agreed right away.

But it was quite some time before anybody from the Air Force actually entered the case, wasn’t it?

Yes, sir, it was.

Harris

Your name, please?

Jack Harris.

Is that your full name?

Yes. Jack no-middle-initial Harris.

Your employment, Mr. Harris? For the record.

Reporter. Free-lance.

Oh? Weren’t you working for one of the stations during the Craycroft episode?

I was doing a feature story for WIMS-TV, yes. I wasn’t in their employ, not on salary. I do features for radio and TV news departments. If they like the idea, they buy it from me. I’m an independent.

That’s interesting. I didn’t know it could be done on that basis.

Well, I usually sell the story before I do it. In other words, I’ll call one of the stations, ask them if they’d like me to do a story on such-and-such. They give me the go-ahead and then I do the story.

You must have a fine nose for features then.

That’s my bread and butter, Mr. Skinner.

And perhaps a bit of ESP? Prescience? Is that how you happened to be there on the day Craycroft pulled his episode?

That was blind luck, nothing else. I was doing a story on the reconstruction of the West Side Highway. I wanted to go up and take some aerial footage-I do some of my own photography. I happened to have a contact at the Port Authority, one of the chopper jockeys, fellow named Woods. I went up with him that day. At that point I didn’t know Craycroft existed.

Is it normal for civilians to hitch rides on Port Authority helicopters?

They don’t mind. They’ve got a spare seat. You’ve got to sign a waiver, of course. And they don’t take ordinary people up. Joyriders, tourists, that kind of thing. But if you’ve got a legitimate reason to be there, they don’t mind. As long as you sign the waiver. They don’t want to get sued if you crack up. That’s life in these modern times, isn’t it-everybody’s got to cover his own ass.

I’m a bit surprised they agreed to. take you up on that particular flight. Wasn’t the pilot ordered to do a close-up surveillance on Craycroft’s aircraft?

Not originally, no. If that had been the case, you can bet they wouldn’t have allowed me to ride along. No, what happened was they’d assigned Woods to the standard harbor-survey flight. They do periodic spot checks to make sure the shipping traffic is keeping inside the buoy markers, look for hazardous debris floating on the water, even sometimes people stranded in small boats or life preservers. It’s a big harbor, New York. Anyway Woods was assigned to fly the normal spot check, and he’d arranged his flight path to give me a good run over the lower west side of Manhattan so I could get my footage of the highway construction. We were already in the air when he got instructions by radio to discontinue the normal survey and go chasing after Craycroft.

What time was this?

I don’t know exactly. You might ask the PA people-they must have kept a log. I know it was somewhere around twelve thirty, maybe twelve forty-five. We’d taken off at noon, but I can’t be sure how long we’d been up before Woods got the new orders.

Had you noticed the bomber before that?

Sure. We weren’t over Manhattan, of course-we were out the other side of Staten Island a good part of the time. But we’d come in over Port Newark and made one or two circuits around the Hudson estuary. We’d seen the plane a couple of times. I must have gawked at it for a while. I’m kind of an old-plane buff myself.

So I understand. You have a pilot’s license, don’t you?

Single engine. I flew Sabres when I was in the service. Never liked them much. Too fast to maneuver. One time I checked out in a Mustang-now, there was an airplane.

You fly for a hobby, don’t you?

Once in a while I go up to Rhinebeck and tootle around in the air show in some old biplane. I’m not a serious pilot. More of a fan. I wrote a novel about fliers once, but it got turned down-they said it was too closely imitative of Ernest K. Gann. I’d never read Gann at the time. After that I latched onto everything he ever wrote. Spectacular stuff. Have you ever read him?

I don’t read fiction much, I’m afraid.

Well, we’re not here to talk about that anyway, are we?

You said you’d noticed Craycroft’s plane.

Who wouldn’t? It looked brand-new. He’d done a marvelous restoration job. I mean that B-17 had to be at least thirty years old. They stopped making them around the end of the war.

What was the plane doing when you first noticed it?

Making a steep turn over the Battery and that corner of Brooklyn down where all the bridges are. I remember watching it cruise back up north-it was flying over the east side of Manhattan. I remember thinking what a beautiful goddamn airplane it was. They never built a plane that had so much grace, you know?

A rather brutal kind of grace, I’d say.

There’s violence in most grace.

Did you wonder what Craycroft was up to?

I assumed it was a publicity stunt for that new war movie that just opened at the Loew’s on Third Avenue. You know, the one about the Hiroshima raid.

Those weren’t B-l 7s at Hiroshima, were they?

No, they were B-29s that dropped the bomb. But you can’t expect Hollywood to pay attention to technicalities like that, can you?

When the radio message came through to Woods, what exactly did it say? What did it tell him to do? What did it tell him about Craycroft?

I don’t know, I didn’t have a headset. All I know is what he told me. He said he had to break off the flight pattern and go chasing after the B-17, the people on the ground wanted him to take a look at it. Later on he got more chatter on the radio and he told me the guy had bombs in the plane and was threatening to drop them on New York, but that was after we’d made our first pass at the plane.

How close did you fly to it?

Pretty close. We hovered out over the docks down around the Staten Island ferry slip at the foot of Manhattan. We hung there while Craycroft made his turn over the Battery and swung out over the bridges and went back up the east side.

What was your impression at the time?

Of our instructions or of the plane?

Both.

Well, as for the instructions, Woods hadn’t filled me in, but I assumed he was supposed to try and wave the plane off. There are restrictions against flying low-altitude over inhabited areas, you know. Craycroft was violating every FAA and CAA statute I’d ever heard of. He was flying treetop over the tops of the skyscrapers in Manhattan. Incidentally that’s a hard stunt to pull off, you know. The updrafts from those street canyons toss you up and down like a kite. I could see right away he was a hell of a pilot. As for the plane, I’ve already told you that. I thought it was splendid. Beautiful.

Did you get a glimpse of the pilot?

We could see the pilot all right. But we weren’ close enough to see his face. He was wearing a radio headset, I could tell that much. Earphones, not a helmet. The plane was running like a clock. All four engines in beautiful sync. When he made his turns he made them as smooth and easy as if he was ice-skating.

Were the bomb-bay doors open?

Not at first.

Azzard

Your name, please?

Joel Azzard. New York District Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

Do you have a prepared statement, Mr. Azzard?

I do. May I read it into the record now?

Please do.

“At twelve oh five P.M., twenty-second May, the New York office FBI was notified by office of NYPD Commissioner (Toombes) that a crime of bank robbery by extortion was in progress at Merchants Trust Bank Company, Incorporated, Sixty-two Beaver Street, New York City.

“Special Agents Roger V. Barstow and Alan A. Cobb were dispatched immediately and arrived at the scene at twelve sixteen P.M.

“At twelve twenty-two P.M. District Director Azzard (Joel, NMI) received a call direct from Special Agent Barstow. Apprised of the unique circumstances and dangers of the crime in progress, District Director Azzard went personally and with dispatch to the scene, arriving at the Merchants Trust offices at twelve thirty-five P.M.

“Present were the bank president, his chief of security, several NYPD officers and the two aforementioned special agents. They held in custody the suspect, who had given his name as Willard Roberts.

“According to the report of SA Barstow, the suspect had admitted that he was engaged in a conspiracy, together with the unnamed pilot of a Boeing B-17 aircraft, to extort five million dollars by threat of excessive physical harm to the city and populace of New York.”

Excuse me, Mr. Azzard, but all this is merely going over ground we’ve established by prior witnesses. Do you mind just giving me a copy of your statement? It will be entered into the record, but I’d prefer to use this time with direct questions pertaining to your own participation in the events.

If that’s the way you’d prefer to do it.

Thank you. Now your two agents reached the bank somewhat before twelve thirty, and you yourself got there about twenty minutes later.

That’s correct.

During that interval, what did your two agents accomplish?

Quite a good deal, I can assure you.

Can you be specific?

Mr. Skinner, you asked me just now to confine this to my own participation. Now, which is it to be?

What I’m looking for is your own evaluation of the performance of your men and of the police as well.

Performance evaluations are classified within the bureau, Mr. Skinner. I’m not at liberty to divulge the contents of our personnel-efficiency reports. At your own suggestion, I’d like to confine this interview to the contents of my written report and any relevant questions you might like to ask which would have to do with my own actions.

In that case perhaps you’d allow Special Agents Cobb and Barstow to appear here and give their own testimony?

I’m afraid that’s impossible.

Why?

Both men have been transferred out of this district.

Are those punitive transfers?

No. Standard rotation policy.

I wasn’t aware the FBI had such a policy.

We don’t broadcast our internal operating procedures, Mr. Skinner.

This isn’t an accusatory investigation, Mr. Azzard. We’re not trying to pin anything on anybody. All we’re trying to do is to lay the groundwork for efficient procedures in the future in case something like this should happen again. In the light of that I must say your attitude seems rather uncooperative, not to say obstructionist.

I’m sorry. I have my own instructions, you know. We have strict regulations about revealing information to outside agencies or individuals. I had to obtain special permission from Washington to appear at this inquiry at all. I wouldn’t like it to appear in the record that the FBI was in any way obstructionist. We’re as disturbed by what happened as anyone is.

Then mightn’t it be possible to bring the two agents back to New York to be interviewed? It wouldn’t take long.

You’d have to inquire of Washington about that. They’re not under my command anymore.

I can see we’re not getting far with that tack. Let’s go back to your own part in this, then. When you arrived at the bank, how much had been ascertained about the suspect’s identity and the identity of his partner in the airplane?

Quite a lot. We had the suspect’s fingerprints by then. We Weren’t the fingerprints obtained by the New York police officers before your men arrived?

I don’t really know who actually pressed his fingers to the ink pad, Mr. Skinner. All I can tell you is that the code had been teletyped to Washington and we’d received a make on the subject back from the FBI lab. That was before I left my office-probably around twelve twenty. Suspect was identified as Charles David Ryterband, sixty-two.

Did the fact that his fingerprints were on file indicate that Ryterband had a criminal record?

No. He’d tried to volunteer for the draft in 1942. They have fingerprint records of everybody who’s applied to serve in the armed forces.

So he in fact had no criminal record? No convictions, no arrests?

None.

Had Craycroft been identified by then?

No. Not yet.

What other information did you get on Ryterband, besides his name?

A summary of his service record accompanied the teletype report. He’d applied for the Air Corps during the war, with a specialty in aircraft maintenance. He’d been rejected on Four-F grounds-health.

Anything else?

We had his wife’s name. Ellen Craycroft Ryterband. They were married in nineteen forty-four.

So he was Craycroft’s brother-in-law, then.

Yes, but of course we didn’t know that then.

Well, I’ve dwelled long enough on the identification issue, haven’t I? I imagine it wasn’t the issue of primary concern to you at the time, was it?

No. Of course not. Our primary problem was what to do about the demands. How to respond.

Had any decisions been made prior to your arrival at the bank?

What sort of decisions do you mean?

Decisions to acquiesce or not to acquiesce.

No final decision had been made, no. They were preparing for various contingencies. The bank had started to make efforts to raise the cash, in case it was decided to go ahead and pay the ransom.

Who made that decision? To raise the money, I mean.

I’m not sure. It may have been one of my agents.

Mr. Maitland says it was Police Sergeant O’Brien who suggested he’d better start getting the money up as fast as he could.

Well, I wouldn’t want to contradict him on that.

In any case it wasn’t your suggestion, then?

No. I would have suggested the same thing, but it had already been done before I got there, as I told you.

Sergeant O’Brien seems to have displayed rather keen initiative throughout this affair, wouldn’t you say?

I didn’t pay too much attention to him, I’m afraid.

Wasn’t he there?

Yes, he was there. He’d conducted the interrogation of Ryterband until my men arrived and took over.

Isn’t it possible that your men added nothing, by way of new knowledge or decisions, to what had already been achieved by Mr. Rabinowitz and Sergeant O’Brien?

I wasn’t aware we were putting the FBI on trial here.

We’re not. I’m trying to form a clear picture of what took place, that’s all. What immediate action did you take upon arrival at the bank?

My first action was to interview Special Agents Barstow and Cobb, to put myself in the picture so to speak.

How long did that take?

Only a few minutes. I was able to tell them we’d come up with an ID make on Ryterband. I then confronted Ryterband with the fact that we knew who he was.

How did he react to that?

He didn’t seem bothered by it. I informed him that he was engaged in a grave crime. That the punishment could be severe. I asked him if he had any means of getting in touch with his partner in the airplane. He said he had.

Can you recall his exact words at that time?

He said, “We’re not idiots. You’re not dealing with idiots. Of course I can get in touch with him.”

Did he say how?

By radio.

Where was his radio?

As it turned out, he’d left it in his car, which was parked in a pay lot about three blocks away from the bank. Two of the police officers immediately went to the lot and collected the radio and brought it back to the bank. Ordinarily we’d have taken the suspect into custody and transferred him elsewhere for questioning, but we didn’t want to waste the time that would be involved in transferring him from one place to another.

So you had the radio brought to the office. What sort of radio was it?

An ordinary air- and marine-band transceiver. A battery portable. Perhaps twenty pounds in weight, easily transportable.

Did you attempt to make contact with the pilot of the aircraft at that time?

Yes. But Ryterband warned us that his partner wouldn’t respond to calls from anyone except himself.

But you tried to talk to Craycroft anyway, is that right?

I talked. It was a one-way transmission. The pilot didn’t respond.

How did you know you had the right transmission frequency?

Ryterband gave us the frequency. He seemed amused at that point.

Was that his general attitude at the time? Amusement?

Only for a little while. Most of the time he was in a state of rather childish agitation. He kept throwing tantrums.

What sort of tantrums?

Heaving himself around the room, demanding to know whether we realized how serious it all was. Demanding to know whether we realized how short the time was getting.

And did you realize those things?

Naturally.

Did he restate his deadline and demands?

Yes.

What did he say?

He said he had to have the money, delivered to him in his parked car, by three o’clock. He was then to be given two hours and ten minutes, without surveillance of any kind, to get away with the money. At five ten, if we cooperated with the demands, the airplane would leave its station. By its station I mean the fact that it was circling over Manhattan Island.

Hadn’t he demanded that the money be delivered by five ten originally?

I’m told that was his initial demand; but afterward he said he’d been rattled at the beginning and had got it wrong. He said obviously he had to have time to get away with the money before the airplane could leave its station.

In any case, three o’clock became the deadline. It was now-what, about a quarter to one?

Yes. The exact time is in my report, of course. We told him it was physically impossible to raise that much cash in that short a time. But he was adamant.

Valkenburg

Your name?

Emmett O. Valkenburg.

Your title and position, Mr. Valkenburg? It’s for the record.

Executive Vice-President, Merchants Trust Bank Company, Incorporated. Chief cashier.

Do you have a prepared statement?

No.

At some point on May twenty-second you received an interoffice call from the president of your bank, Mr. Maitland. He apprised you of the situation in his office and asked you whether you could make arrangements to raise five million dollars in cash. Could you tell me what time you received that call?

It was about eleven thirty in the morning, give or take ten minutes.

I see. Then that was long before the FBI arrived on the scene.

I’m afraid I wouldn’t know that, Mr. Skinner.

Sorry. Talking to myself. Can you tell me what action you took?

Well, after I came down off the ceiling I called in my two chief assistants and we had a council of war. I told them what Paul Maitland had told me. There was a bughouse character threatening to spray bombs all over Manhattan if we didn’t come up with five million in unmarked bills, nothing larger than hundred-dollar denominations. I asked my assistants if they had any bright ideas. That’s what assistants are for. One of them had the only bright idea any of us came up with during the day.

What was that?

Get out of town.

(Laughter) I can quite understand that. But you did make concrete efforts toward raising the cash, didn’t you?

Well, sure we did. But we had to start from a depressing premise. There isn’t that much cash. I mean there simply isn’t. Oh, you could go out and canvass every biped in the five boroughs of New York and you might find an average of ten bucks a person. But you don’t find that kind of cash lying around in one institutional bundle. The biggest bank in the city might have a few hundred thousand in cash on hand at any one moment. But the only place where you’d find anything in the millions would be the Federal Reserve or maybe the safe-deposit boxes of a few Mafia dons.

What did you decide to do?

Hell, we did the only thing we could do. We got permission from Paul Maitland and we phoned the boys over at the Federal Reserve.

Grofeld

Your name, please, Captain?

Henry L. Grofeld. L. for Listowel, if it matters. Captain, NYPD. Chief of the First Division.

I gather that’s a statement you’ve prepared for us?

That’s right.

Would you like to read it into the record?

Is that necessary?

We could simply have the stenographer insert it, if you prefer.

That would save time, wouldn’t it? Why don’t you do it that way, then? Here you go.

Thank you…

(Pause)

Good Lord. This isn’t exactly what I expected.

I guess it’s not the usual officialese.

Did you prepare this for publication, Captain?

Sort of. But under the circumstances I don’t suppose I can ever submit it.

It’s a shame. This looks like a nice piece of work.

Well, I’ve got a confession to make. I moonlight as a writer-detective stories, crime novels. Under a pen name, of course. I’ve written several books.

Just leafing through this, it looks like a remarkable job of reconstructing the background of this case-the histories of the two men. How did you find the time?

I asked for it. It wasn’t just that I’d participated in the case. The whole thing fit into all my interests, as it happened. Criminal psychology, aircraft, and of course writing. I was given departmental leave to research the profiles on Ryterband and Craycroft. The leave was granted because the department was interested in the case the same way you’re interested in it-the idea that possibly we could determine what had caused the thing, and maybe if we knew that, we might be closer to preventing it happening again. Anyhow, I was put on detached duty with the assignment of compiling dossiers on the two men and the background of the case from its beginnings. Eventually, as you see, that took me back nearly forty years.

(Reading) “The bombs were five-hundred-pounders. Armed, contact-fused, balanced with machine-shop precision. They squatted in the abdomen of the thirty-year-old Flying Fortress like a deadly brood embryo.

“They hung in racks above open bomb-bay doors, poised to drop. Beneath them was the unsuspecting target: Manhattan, the city of New York-innocent hostage to one man’s demented dreams.

“Harold Craycroft had prepared a squadron of Eighth Air Force bombers for their participation in the deadly bombardment of the city of Dresden in the Second World War. Now he had prepared his own bomber-an airplane which actually had flown in the Dresden raid-for a macabre encore against the most concentrated urban center in the United States.

“The anatomy of the Craycroft-Ryterband case is unique in American criminological history. There can be no question that Craycroft was deranged, but his derangement led to a crime that was stunningly brilliant in the simplicity of its plan, awesome in concept, terrifying in implication. Drawn up and executed in its entirety by one solitary man (with incidental assistance from his brother-in-law), the Craycroft ransom may well turn out to have been literally the crime of the century.”

That’s an impressive opening, Captain. Here-I return this to you temporarily so that you can refer to it. I wonder if you’d mind covering the essentials of your paper orally, for our tape recorder. You may use the paper for reference as you talk, of course, and read from it if you wish. We’ll enter the entire document into the record, of course, but I’d rather go over it with you orally because various questions are bound to occur to me that may not be covered by the document itself. Do you mind?

No. However you want to do it.

Well, just start at the beginning then, if you will.

Right. I began with a biographical resume on Harold Craycroft. You want me to go over that?

Please.

Craycroft was born in Cincinnati on January twenty-third, nineteen eighteen. His father was an American aviator, in the Army, fighting in France. The father was killed when Craycroft was barely three months old.

(Reading) “Craycroft grew up in the shadow of his father’s legend. His mother (who gave piano lessons to augment the meager pension) and his two older sisters seem to have lived their lives as supplicants at the altar of Jeremy Craycroft’s memory; their Bible was the scrapbook of the elder Craycroft’s heroics.

“By the middle nineteen thirties, encouraged by the pressures of mother and sisters, Craycroft had apprenticed himself to a series of itinerant aviators of the breed that drifted incessantly across the Midwest during the Depression: the barnstorming county-fair pilots who walked the wings of their fabric-and-wood biplanes, slept in open cornfields under the wings of their rickety Spads and Jennies. At the age of seventeen Craycroft had already developed a reputation in the Ohio-Indiana area as one of the most exciting daredevil pilots on the fairground circuit.

“In nineteen thirty-six his mother fell ill with a lingering ailment, which probably was Parkinson’s disease. To support the family-only one sister had married-Craycroft was forced to seek gainful employment…”

He was eighteen then? What about education?

He’d left high school at fourteen. Of course it was the nadir of the Depression then. But he found a pretty good job right away, as a flight-line mechanic on the Trimotor assembly line at the Ford plant in Dearborn.

Sorry. Go on.

(Reading) “He was even then, according to testimony provided by retired Ford employees, a genius with aircraft engines.

“In nineteen thirty-eight he joined forces with Charles Ryterband, an aircraft designer and fellow Dearborn mechanic, to form the short-lived Cray-band Motors, Incorporated, an independent and privately owned company organized for the purpose of designing and building specialized airplane engines for racing planes, polar exploration aircraft and other custom uses. The company foundered within ten months.

“Evidently in search of adventure, Craycroft left the Midwest shortly after the death of his mother in December, nineteen thirty-eight. In July, nineteen thirty-nine, his name is found on the roster of the Balchen Expedition. Craycroft was in charge-”

I’m sorry. What was the Balchen Expedition?

An Arctic expedition. An attempt by air to land at the North Pole. I’ll go on, if I may?

Yes, Please do.

(Reading) “Craycroft was in charge of maintaining the two aircraft used in the successful leg of the expedition (to Nome and Point Barrow), but he did not accompany the party on the ill-fated final leg, which led to the deaths of two explorers and the loss of one aircraft; the Pole was not achieved.

“Craycroft remained in Alaska for several years, working first as a hired mechanic in Juneau, then opening his own maintenance facility at Anchorage; in the latter enterprise he was again joined by his former business partner, Ryterband, who was some six years older than Craycroft.

“In nineteen forty the U.S. Army Air Corps delivered its first defense squadrons of bomber and fighter aircraft to Alaska. A cold-weather testing facility was established at Fairbanks under the command of Colonel Everett S. Davis. Throughout nineteen forty and nineteen forty-one Harold Craycroft worked informally with and for the Davis laboratory, on a part-time basis, helping to devise cold-weather navigational techniques and solving problems caused by the extreme low temperatures of that region, in which oil would congeal and rubber turn brittle.

“At the outbreak of the war in December, nineteen forty-one, both Craycroft and Ryterband volunteered immediately for the draft. Ryterband was refused-he had a history of asthma and rheumatic fever. And until nineteen forty-four Ryterband continued to operate the Craycroft-Ryterband maintenance hangar at Elmendorf Field near Anchorage. The business went bankrupt in November, nineteen forty-four. In the meantime Craycroft had been accepted by the draft and, through the influence of Colonel Davis, had been granted an Air Corps commission as a first lieutenant. He earned his pilot’s wings in June, nineteen forty-two, at Travis Field but saw no service as a combat pilot; he was transferred immediately back to Alaska and by nineteen forty-three had become chief of maintenance for the Eleventh Air Force in that theater of war (the campaign in the Aleutian Islands).

“In November, nineteen forty-three, Craycroft was assigned to a training command in Nebraska, where he trained ground crews until May, nineteen forty-four, when he went to England, now carrying the rank of lieutenant colonel, to become deputy maintenance commander for the Eighth Air Force.

“His reputation among the warrior pilots was supreme. Craycroft by now had become the best-known mechanic in the American air forces. He had redesigned the cooling mechanism of the P-48 cowlings to prevent them from overheating in high-speed combat climbs; he had rebuilt the bomb-rack systems of B-17 and B-24 aircraft (systems which invariable arrived from the factories in nonfunctional condition); he had contributed subtle revisions to the designs of propeller blades and wing-control surfaces which had the effect of increasing both the speed and maneuverability of several types of combat aircraft, both American and British.

“Craycroft’s ground-crew teams, used as cadres by every squadron in the ETO, became justly famous for their ability to repair virtually any shot-up airplane and have it ready to fly within twenty-four hours-often by the cannibalization of parts from unserviceable wrecks. The period nineteen forty-four to forty-five was characterized by daily maximum efforts-against the factories of Germany, the cities of the Reich, the V-l and V-2 rocket installations and the waning Luftwaffe. Craycroft’s teams invariably provided more airworthy planes for each mission than the commanders had anticipated having available. Shortly after the Normandy landings in June, nineteen forty-four, Craycroft was promoted full colonel and took over the post of maintenance commander for the Eighth Air Force; he still held that position at the end of the war.”

It was during that period that he assembled the airplanes for the Dresden attack?

Well, that was a bit earlier. He was only responsible for one squadron of bombers at Dresden.

Dresden keeps being mentioned in this inquiry. That’s why I asked.

It had a devastating effect on anybody who had anything to do with it.

Go on then, please.

(Reading) “In nineteen forty-six Craycroft left active duty but retained his commission in the Army (subsequently the Air Force) Reserve. He rejoined his former partner, Charles Ryterband (who in nineteen forty-four had married the younger of Craycroft’s two sisters), in yet another abortive commercial enterprise, called the Alpine Aircraft Company. Buying a small hangar and machine shop in Palo Alto, California, the brothers-in-law set out to design and manufacture light planes for the hobbyist and business-travel trade. Experts interviewed recently have attested to the ingenuity and economy of the Alpine designs; evidently they were first-rate airplanes, well ahead of their time in performance and stability. But only three prototypes were built-a twin-engine executive plane and two single-engine models (a two-seater and a five-passenger model)-before Alpine Aircraft obeyed the precedent and went bankrupt. Graycroft and Ryterband seemed as ingeniously dedicated to financial failure as they were to superb mechanical work.

“Between nineteen forty-eight and nineteen fifty the partners went separate ways, Ryterband securing a position with the aircraft-testing division of Lockheed Aircraft and Craycroft returning once again to Anchorage, where he set up and managed the maintenance operations of Alaskan Airlines.

“When the Korean War broke out, Craycroft’s Reserve commission was activated and he was shipped out to Japan to supervise repair and maintenance for the American Air Force wings stationed there. Evidently his performance during the first phase of the war was exemplary; but the Air Force was in the process of switching over from the P-51 Mustang (a propeller-driven pursuit craft) to the F-80 and F-86 jet fighters. When one reads between the lines of Craycroft’s service record, one reaches the conclusion that the man had no affinity for jet-powered aircraft. It seems clear he lost interest in the mechanical ingenuities that had made him such a legend; he became, in the words of one veteran who recalls him in his last months in Japan in nineteen fifty-three, ‘kind of a tired old pencil pusher. He was just going through the motions. We all figured he was washed up.’

“One notes that this ‘tired old pencil pusher’ was, at the time, barely thirty-five years old. (He had attained an important World War Two command and the rank of full colonel at the age of twenty-six.)

“Craycroft was rotated back to California before the end of the Korean War. In Los Angeles he stayed with his sister and his brother-in-law, who had left Lockheed and gone to work for a stunt and special-effects organization which specialized in helicopter and airplane work for motion pictures.

“Craycroft resigned his commission at this time in protest against the replacement of piston planes by jets. ‘He never could abide the jets,’ one pilot recalls. ‘He was like a sailboat man sneering at power boats. Always called them stinkpots.’”

Obviously that had something to do with his choice of an antique propeller-driven bomber for this attack on New York. Is there anything in his background up to this point which suggests his later derangement?

Well, he was always an odd bird, that’s obvious from the word “go.” But he wasn’t a violent man. I mean his military service record is remarkable for the opposite reason. There were no black marks at all. No escapades. His formal efficiency reports praised his efficiency and initiative, but there isn’t a damn thing in them that could give you any clue to his character at all.

Perhaps the fact that he was such an unusually colorless person is a clue in itself. People who bottle things up too tightly sometimes tend to explode.

Well, one thing you learn when you make a study of criminal psychology is that there are certain kinds of cases that are easy to predict and certain kinds that are damn well impossible to predict. I mean, you take a standard case of a kid who grows up in urban poverty, in an atmosphere of drugs and street violence and maybe a family with no father and all the usual ghetto aspects that the ivory-tower types call you a bigot for mentioning. You take a case like that and you know it’s advisable to keep an eye on somebody from that background because the chances are he’s more likely to turn to crime than a well-educated kid from a solid home in some small town in New England. But, hell, you can’t take a background like Craycroft’s and make predictions from that. A lot of people with similar backgrounds are airline pilots or vice-presidents of aircraft companies or bank presidents.

Nothing at all in his attitudes or behavior at that time suggested he might go off the deep end?

We’ve all got our private demons, I guess. We’ve all got pressures. But Craycroft’s didn’t show. Not according to anybody I’ve talked to… Well, I’ll go on, all right?

(Reading) “The middle and late nineteen fifties were a period of big-budget Hollywood dedication to the Second World War. Ryterband and Craycroft worked initially as maintenance mechanics and gadget designers for planes which mounted aerial cameras, but soon Craycroft saw opportunity in the movies’ great interest in airplanes as subject matter rather than as flying camera platforms. In nineteen fifty-four Craycroft and Ryterband formed the only corporation of their checkered career that enjoyed financial success. It was given the name of Air Corps Associates, Incorporated, a company chartered in the state of Arizona for the purpose of ‘aircraft restoration and reconstruction.’

“Air Corps Associates had an interesting premise, and Craycroft was the ideal man to run it. The purpose for which the company had been organized was the restoration of World War Two airplanes for use in war movies. By nineteen fifty-five the U.S. Air Force had a combat flight line of jet aircraft; the designs of the war had been phased out and the surviving airplanes had been put in mothballs. Tens of thousands of aircraft stood parked in rows on a reservation in the desert of northwestern Arizona near the town of Kingman. For a time in the late nineteen forties the Air Force had made some pretense of keeping these planes in repair, as a reserve fleet; but the changeover to jets had rendered the old planes obsolete. The result was that the huge collection of warplanes had rusted, corroded, been pitted by desert sandstorms, ruined in all their ‘soft’ parts (rubber, canvas, wiring, tires), and generally rendered totally unserviceable. Desert packrats and rattlesnakes made nests in the cockpits. Seats rotted away. Glass windows and windshields were shattered by violent desert hailstorms; afterward rainwater seeped into the instrument panels and engine cowlings. By nineteen fifty-five the mothball fleet had been sitting on its flat tires for a full decade, and it was the rare plane that could be restored to airworthy condition with anything less than a complete rebuilding job from nose-hub to tailfin.

“In nineteen fifty-four the reserve fleet was designated ‘war surplus’ and the way was opened for civilian purchase of the planes. The initial purpose of this action, spurred by a Congressional economy drive, was to recoup some of the country’s enormous war-construction debt. But it soon became apparent that nobody had much interest in paying good money for rusted shells. (In many cases the engines had been removed from the airplanes for use in parts-replacement programs for training planes, and even for use in motorboats.) Tens of thousands of once-proud airplanes went begging for buyers.

“For once in their lives, Craycroft and Ryterband were the right men in the right place at the right time. They went to the Air Force with an offer of fractions of a penny on the dollar. It had cost two hundred and fifty thousand dollars to build a B-17 Flying Fortress; Air Corps Associates managed to buy these aircraft from the mothball fleet for prices ranging from ten thousand dollars down to seven hundred and fifty dollars, depending on condition.

“But that would have done no good without Craycroft’s genius for mechanical repair, redesign, and restoration. Other potential buyers-representatives of foreign governments, scouts for feeder airlines, hobbyists interested in air-racing-had looked over the bargain-basement airplanes at Kingman and had passed them up. To them it had appeared insurmountably expensive to get any of the corroded hulks back into flying trim. To Craycroft and Ryterband, evidently, the same challenge acted as a spur to their ingenuity.

“The result was that by nineteen fifty-six Air Corps Associates had equipped itself with an air force of considerable proportions. Starting from scratch in nineteen fifty-four with a capital investment of forty thousand dollars (most of the money put up by motion-picture producers), Craycroft and Ryterband had pyramided their operation within two years to a sixty-three-plane Luftwaffe; and of that inventory, according to company records dated twelve September nineteen fifty-six, fully forty-eight airplanes were in flying condition-including a full squadron of P-40 Warhawks and a ‘flight’ (six planes) of B-17 Flying Fortresses.

“Most war films used actual newsreel combat footage in their aerial sequences. But movies like Twelve o’Clock High and its many successors required substantial ground fleets of actual airplanes for use as backdrops in scenes set on the runway flight lines. A cliche in films of the period was the scene in which the wing commander stands at the railing of the control tower, counting the number of bombers returning from the day’s raid on Berlin or Schweinfurt or the Channel ports. These scenes could not be reconstructed out of wartime news footage; they had to be filmed on the spot, with real airplanes which actually flew. It was Air Corps Associates which provided these warplanes.

“Craycroft restored (and test-flew) the B-29s that bombed Hiroshima and Nagasaki; he gave us-in several films-the Japanese air fleet that bombed Pearl Harbor (most of these being U. S. Navy surplus planes mocked up to resemble the silhouettes of Zeros); he made possible the movie scenes in which John Wayne and Robert Ryan fought the Japanese in the Pacific, in which countless Hollywood stars bombed Germany, and in which other stars fought dogfights with the Luftwaffe, the Italian Air Force and the Imperial Japanese Air Fleet.

“By the early nineteen sixties it was routine for Craycroft and Ryterband to accept a special rush order for a squadron of B-24 Liberators to be painted up with the markings of a specific World War Two unit (real or fictitious), and to actually fly the planes across the Atlantic and deliver them to the moviemakers’ locations in England or Spain.

“In his early forties Craycroft was a success. On paper he was a millionaire. But his wealth consisted entirely of stock certificates in Air Corps Associates. His standard of living was meager. He had never married; he lived in a modest apartment in Sherman Oaks, hardly a ten-minute drive from the company’s immense hangar-field in Burbank. His personal car was a war-surplus Jeep, made by Ford in nineteen forty-two; he had paid eighty-five dollars for it at an Army auction and had rebuilt it himself. He owned two business suits and, it is said, one necktie. His fingernails were invariably black with petroleum grease and grime. When not on purchasing expeditions to Kingman or ferry-delivery flights to film locations, he appears to have spent seven days a week working in the hangars of the Burbank facility. All evidence indicates he had little interest in money for its own sake; his work was his life. He neither swam nor played golf nor drank more than one or two drinks a week. He had no known romantic relationships, either heterosexual or homosexual. His social activities were minimal, confined to occasional dinners with his sister and brother-in-law and the unavoidable business lunches and dinners, the number of which he kept to an absolute minimum. He is not known to have had any close friends other than Charles Ryterband. He had not been in touch with his eldest sister, who still lived in Ohio, since the late nineteen forties.

“Interviewed recently by the FBI, an aircraft mechanic who was employed by Craycroft at Air Corps Associates during the period between nineteen fifty-five and nineteen fifty-eight had this to say:

“‘I guess most of us guys who devote our lives to airplanes are a little screwy. But most of us aren’t that screwy. I mean, I was married then, I had the first kid and the other one on the way, I had a bowling league, and we’d go to Disneyland or down to the beach on the weekends. We had plenty of friends, God knows. I mean we’re normal, you know? But Harold, he was something else. I mean, for openers nobody ever called him Hank or Hal or Old Buddy. He didn’t like “Mr. Craycroft” at all, even if he did own the whole shebang. But he’d only answer to “Harold.” No nickname. Now everybody in the airplane racket has a nickname. My name’s Joseph but half the guys I work with don’t know that; I’m Shorty, that’s all, on account of I’m so tall. Old Mr. Ryterband, we all called him Charlie.

“‘You know what it was about Harold? I’ll tell you how he always struck me. He never looked his age, you know. I guess he must have been around forty when I worked for him but he could have been twenty-eight, thirty. He was always kind of gangly and he had that shock of dark hair that he was always shoving back out of his face. He’d got kind of farsighted, I guess, and he had to wear glasses to do close-up work or reading. He had these great big black-frame eyeglasses that kept slipping down his nose. You’d see him working on an engine torn apart on the bench, and he’d be pushing his hair back, pushing his glasses up on his nose, and biting his lower lip-his teeth were a little buck. Actually he wasn’t bad-looking at all. He got mistaken for Gregory Peck a couple of times, only his jaw was a little small and he had those big upper teeth. But he always struck me like one of those introverted kids you always knew in high school-the ones that never had the nerve to date girls, they were always wrapped up in their toy chemistry sets and their microscope slides and their butterfly collections. You know what I mean? He wasn’t queer or anything. He was just sort of a teenage kid that never outgrew the stage of being fascinated with brainy toys. I bet you when he was fourteen he had an Erector Set.’

“Craycroft hadn’t had an Erector Set at fourteen, of course; by the time he was fourteen he’d dropped out of school and was learning to fly. But the characterization seems apt-as accurate as anything the detectives have been able to learn about Craycroft up to this time. He had a single-minded and virtually adolescent devotion to the mechanics of flight and the romance of aviation.

“This, mainly, is why it has been difficult to ‘get a handle’ on Craycroft’s psychology. It has been impossible to interview his friends because he had no friends in the usual sense. Employees, business associates, and fellow airmen have been interviewed but their answers have been limited to the sphere in which they knew Craycroft: the professional sphere. He lived for his work, and apart from it he seems to have had no life at all. Nothing about him, really, has been added to what was written in his early Army file reports. He was a mechanical genius, dedicated and devoted to the one passion of his life-the airplane.”

But evidently he’d made himself very successful. He was doing what he enjoyed doing, and making a great deal of money from it. How does that jibe with the obvious sudden desperation that led him to this incredible crime?

Well, it wasn’t all that sudden. And the success didn’t last you know.

(Reading) “By the early nineteen sixties the Hollywood fashion for war movies was waning. Apparently it was Ryterband who first saw the signs of change. Shrewdly Ryterband began to put subtle pressures on his brother-in-law to diversify the operations of the company. In time-by about nineteen sixty-three-Craycroft had been brought around to Ryterband’s way of thinking. By then ACA had a force of two hundred and forty-five planes, nearly all of them airworthy-and most of them, ironically, stored in mothballs because the movie market was drying up; nobody was making World War Two films anymore.

“It was Ryterband’s inspiration to go into the used-airplane business. Ryterband was by no means a marketing genius, but he had the intelligence to persuade Craycroft to hire a small staff of sales personnel, four former Air Force fliers who had flown both in the U.S. forces and in mercenary forces overseas, and who had a large number of business and foreign contacts among them.

“There had never been much of a business in surplus bombers. Progress in aircraft design had rendered them obsolete as military planes. And for civilian use-as cargo planes or passenger transports-they were ill-designed; they had not been built for comfort, economy, or spaciousness. The B-17 bomber, for example, was a huge airplane for its day: a wingspan of more than one hundred feet, standing nearly twenty feet high, weighing eighteen tons empty, capable of carrying another fourteen tons of fuel and cargo at a maximum speed well in excess of three hundred miles per hour (cruising speed two hundred and twenty-five) to a service ceiling of thirty-five thousand feet. It had a range, with three tons of bombs aboard, of two thousand miles.

“But the fuselage was narrow-too narrow to insert more than two rows of passenger seats abreast, and the diameter shrank rapidly toward the tail so that nearly half the length of the plane was unusable for passenger accommodation. At intervals the fuselage was interrupted by bubble canopies designed to house machine-gun turrets. There was no provision for cockpit pressurization or heating; combat fliers had worn electrically heated flying suits against the high-altitude outside temperatures of below forty degrees Fahrenheit, and crews had been forced to wear oxygen masks above ten thousand feet.

“And the in-flight economy of these planes was very poor. They were designed for power, not fuel conservation. The four Wright Cyclone engines developed a peak horsepower of nearly five thousand horsepower-a combined power plant which made for superb climbing ability and maneuverability, and meant that a shot-up bomber could still fly even if two engines had been destroyed. But in terms of ordinary cargo or passenger economy the B-17 was absurdly overpowered-much like a five-hundred-horsepower Detroit car: fine for the profligate owner, but useless as a taxicab.

“These factors had made it impossible for anyone to make a successful business out of converting old bombers to useful civilian aircraft. But that was before Charles Ryterband persuaded his brother-in-law to try it.

“By the end of nineteen sixty-three Craycroft had blueprinted two complete redesigns-for the B-17 and the B-24-which for the first time showed how these models could be rebuilt for passenger and air-cargo use.

“Two prototypes were completed and flown in July, nineteen sixty-four. Performance and economy figures were analyzed. Craycroft made further adjustments in his designs, and in August the two planes were flown again. Ryterband and Craycroft pronounced them satisfactory, and the four-man sales force was sent out into the world to secure orders.

“Craycroft had achieved nearly the impossible. By the astute use of new lightweight metal alloys (very expensive but used sparingly) and the almost total redesign of the Wright engines, using the original engine blocks and essential parts, Craycroft had devised inexpensive ways to reduce the bombers’ fuel-consumption by more than one-half. Performance suffered to a remarkably small degree. The service ceiling was cut from thirty-five thousand feet to twenty-four thousand but for normal commercial purposes that was still ample. Top speed was reduced by more than forty mph, but cruising speed-the important element-was actually increased: to two hundred and thirty-five mph at ten thousand feet.

“In fact, the most extensive and costly part of the redesign program was neither in the power plants nor in the mechanical components of the airframes. It was in the field of comfort and convenience. By sealing windows, building an interior skin and installing recirculation and heating systems (most of them acquired from parts-dealers specializing in scrap components from obsolete ruined civilian planes), Craycroft succeeded in building modern heating and pressurization systems into these airplanes which had never been designed for them. This was the crucial item in the design, because it meant the planes now could be used to carry passengers or live-animal cargo in comfort.

“In many cases the original instrument systems had to be updated to meet the requirements of international and domestic regulations. Radio-navigation devices had to be incorporated, to supplant or replace the original gyrocompass and magnetic gauges. LORAN and communications systems had to be installed. Even radar was built into some of the later models.

“It was inevitable that the end result would be far more expensive than the restorations in which ACA had specialized before. These new cross-breed aircraft weren’t dirt-cheap. But they were competitive, and that was the important thing. Craycroft’s converted bombers had cargo and passenger capacities which compared with those of the secondhand DC-6s and Constellations, which airlines were selling in order to make way for their new jets. He was able to undersell the airlines by about thirty percent in purchase price-and this made his planes very attractive to charter airlines, small governments, and business concerns which didn’t need jet transports or gigantic machines.

“ACA’s first customers included the government of Morocco, three group-charter airlines in the United States and one in London, and a fruit-plantation company which owned several islands off the coast of eastern South America. The latter concern bought Craycroft’s planes for fast delivery of fresh fruit to Florida and Texas markets; they chose Craycroft’s planes over the competition because their runways on the islands were of limited length and the Craycroft planes required considerably less runway than did standard transports for landing and taking off.

“A Greek intranational feeder line bought three planes in nineteen sixty-five, and this purchase pumped enough capital into ACA to convince Ryterband and Craycroft that they had made the right decision. Construction and sales efforts were intensified; ACA’s Burbank facility was expanded onto a leasehold next door, and at considerable expense the old buildings there were razed to make way for enlargement of the assembly shops and offices.

“Given Craycroft’s track record as a businessman, however, it was inevitable that a fly settle in the ointment.

“According to recent testimony by Fredric Phelps (then office-manager and treasurer of ACA), ‘We never had anything much better than a rickety jerry-built financial structure.’ Craycroft and Ryterband had built the initial company on investment capital they had raised by selling stock to four motion-picture producers. Each of the four producers had been in preproduction with war movies at the time. For the first few years the relationship between ACA and the four producers had been successful and symbiotic. But the producers were no longer making war movies. (One of them, in fact, was no longer in the film business at all.) ‘And ACA was no longer a Hollywood outfit,’ Phelps recalls. ‘I guess they felt they had no further reason to go on lending us the support and encouragement of the movie community.’

“To build the company in the first place, Craycroft and Ryterband had made an initial stock tender of ten thousand shares. By the time they got done raising capital, they ended up-between them-owning only twenty-six percent of the company. The remaining seventy-four percent belonged to the four producers.

“But the bylaws and articles of incorporation of ACA’s charter had left operational corporate decisions to the absolute authority of Craycroft and Ryterband so long as they, between them, controlled more stock than any other single stockholder.

“Since the company’s inception it had been the policy of the brothers-in-law to plow profits back into the company. By nineteen sixty-seven ACA had sold or contracted more than seventy converted bombers. In small-business terms they were doing a tremendous volume, considering that each sale meant gross receipts from forty thousand dollars up. But the large expansion of facilities between nineteen sixty-five and sixty-six still hadn’t been paid off, and operating expenses were climbing because of inflation and labor costs.

“By 1968 the producers were arguing that business was falling off because of the increasing obsolescence of propeller-driven aircraft. The world was well into its second and even third generation of jet passenger and cargo planes. Even the smaller countries and businesses were buying jets now. The invention of new, economical jets like the Lear and the Boeing 727 had made a large competitive dent in the market that had previously been dominated by the venerable DC-3 Dakota and the Craycroft conversions.

“Phelps recalls, ‘Back at the beginning, when we were doing mainly mock-ups and restorations for air-war movies, there was a time when I tried to persuade Harold and Charlie to restructure the financial setup. They could have gone public even then. It was a sound operation. It was making good money. If they’d gone public, they’d have ended up in absolute control of the company, with very little additional investment of their own. Or, I told them, they had the alternative of buying out a couple of the producers. If they’d bought that stock back then, they could have got it for ten bucks a share, and they’d have ended up owning more than fifty-one percent of ACA.

“‘But I couldn’t talk them into it. They didn’t want to go public because they didn’t want to hassle with the SEC and all that crap-they were both kind of naive, they didn’t want to get mixed up in the big bad world of high finance. And they didn’t want to buy out any of the other stockholders because that was money they’d rather plow back into the company to keep expanding. Hell, you couldn’t help seeing the handwriting on the wall.’

“The four producers soon reached loggerheads with the brothers-in-law; and a relationship that had begun at arm’s length ended up at sword’s point.

“The result was a complex series of legal maneuvers by the procucers. Two of them sold their stock, with buy-back options, to the other two. This made the second two producers majority stockholders. By August, nineteen sixty-nine, Craycroft and Ryterband occupied an untenable position, despite the protection they thought they had gained with their authoritarian charter and bylaws.

“Business was still excellent, but the number of new orders was falling off. The producers insisted this was because of competition from the new low-priced jets. They insisted that ACA could only prevail in the market by moving into the jet age.

“This was anathema to Craycroft, of course. He wouldn’t have a jet on a platter: He hated them.

“The end was inevitable. Craycroft and Ryterband were forced to divest themselves of control of the company. They sold their twenty-six percent of it to the producers, who promptly went public. ACA is a thriving corporation today, well invested in jet aircraft development and sales, but the partners who created the company were frozen out in nineteen sixty-nine and have had nothing to do with it since then.

“A small Long Island concern, Aeroflight, Incorporated, had been struggling along for years selling aircraft of its own design to the private-aviation market-mainly two- and four-seater monoplanes for the weekend-flier trade. It had never given Cessna or Piper any cause for alarm but for several years Aeroflight had been doing a steady little business in lightplane sales. The president and chief designer of Aeroflight was a man named Samuel Spaulding, who in World War Two had been a maintenance engineer under Craycroft’s command.

“Spaulding had been following the ACA case in the financial trade publications. When he learned of the ouster of Craycroft and Ryterband, he made contact with them and arranged a meeting.

“The conference took place November sixteenth, nineteen sixty-nine, in Aeroflight’s offices on the company’s private factory and airfield near Brook-haven, Long Island. Its result was that Craycroft and Ryterband joined Aeroflight.

“The brothers-in-law had realized a certain amount of capital from the forced sale of their ACA stock. Some of this had been eaten up by legal fees and costs, and a good chunk was taken from them as capital-gains taxes; but they had retained approximately one hundred thousand dollars each, and with that money they bought into Aeroflight-an investment which bought them eighteen percent of the company.

“Spaulding was tremendously loyal to Craycroft-it was a kind of hero worship-and it was not long before Craycroft moved into the center of action. Using Aeroflight’s capital, he returned to California and made a tender to the new bosses of ACA to buy some of the old bombers they still had in inventory from Craycroft’s tenure. ACA was only too willing to unload these obsolete craft; Craycroft-with Spaulding’s bargaining agents acting for him-was able to buy the old planes at excellent prices. ACA was happy to write them off as tax losses.

“There were twelve planes involved: six B-17 Flying Fortresses, four B-24 Liberators and two Lockheed Constellations. All of them were at least twenty-five years old. They had all been made airworthy, but since none had been on order by any paying customer, the pressurization and heating and navigational systems had not been updated. In sum they were sound but dismally obsolete.

“In March, nineteen seventy, Craycroft, Ryterband, two Aeroflight pilot-employees, and eight hired free-lance pilots arrived in Burbank to take delivery of the twelve aircraft on the ACA airfield. The sale was consummated and the airplanes took off on the first leg of what would have been a comic odyssey if it hadn’t been for its tragic consequences.

“With only one man aboard each plane-the pilot-the flight of twelve planes worked into an uneven formation over the San Fernando Valley and began flying eastward across the Southwestern deserts and mountains. The flight plan called for a route that took them across Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois, and thence east to New York. Refueling and overnight stops were scheduled at Denver, Des Moines, and Toledo. It had been necessary to obtain clearances in advance for the twelve-craft flight, and therefore the expedition had to adhere to its precleared schedule; the airports en route were not equipped to handle such large influxes of transient aircraft normally, and special arrangements had to be made.

“An oxygen malfunction aboard one of the B-24’s forced that plane to deviate from the planned course over the Sierra Nevada range; the plane had to make its own way south and follow the much longer low-altitude route east by way of Tucson, El Paso, and Oklahoma City. This reduced the formation to eleven. It was further reduced-to nine-when one B-17 developed engine trouble and had to divert to Salt Lake City, and almost simultaneously a Constellation lost touch with the group in a heavy cloud formation-the result of primitive instrumentation and inadequate communication air-to-air-and because of a faulty compass ended up with insufficient fuel to reach the first stop (Denver). It had to divert to Grand Junction, Colorado, and because of a fuel shortage at that airport it never caught up with the rest of the flight.

“The nine remaining planes straggled into Denver over the course of ninety minutes during the evening of March twenty-first, nineteen seventy. A feature article from the next morning’s Denver Post includes an impressive photograph of the ancient planes lined up at their hardstands, and a brief nostalgia-slanted interview with Craycroft, who is quoted as saying, ‘You may never see their like again around here. They’re really kind of majestic, aren’t they?’

“Pushed by the tight schedule of clearances, the nine planes took off from Denver at six fifteen A.M. March twenty-second, heading for a midday refueling stop at Des Moines. The distance is about seven hundred miles and Craycroft expected to reach Des Moines by about eleven CST.

“A half hour out, Ryterband reported altimeter trouble but no one expressed much alarm, since they were flying VFR and the weather looked good, and there were no mountains along the route.

“Then a front, forecast as stationary, suddenly began to move north across Kansas and eastern Nebraska. Tornadoes struck four towns and several farm areas along the border between the two states, and Omaha radio advised Craycroft’s flight that it now looked as if the storm would be right in the middle of the flight plan if Craycroft stayed on course.

“It was a severe storm, the remnants of Hurricane Bertha, which had struck the Texas coast two days previously and was moving in an unusual due-north direction. Storm ceiling was altitude zero and the Air Force reported that it went straight up to thirty thousand feet. It was moving north, by eight that morning, at nearly sixty miles an hour and its interior winds were measured at more than that.

“Then a new meteorological report came in, at approximately eight fifteen, which said the storm appeared to be slowing down its rate of travel and veering toward the west.

“Craycroft elected to try and beat the storm into Des Moines. He did, however, order Ryterband to change course and land at Grand Island, because he didn’t want to risk Ryterband’s being stuck in obscure weather with a faulty altimeter. Ryterband peeled off in his B-24, and that left eight.

“At about nine forty-five (now on Central Time) the flight entered a bank of floor-to-ceiling cloud which obstructed visibility but contained very little turbulence; it was the remainder of a slow-moving cold front crossing the plains, and was not connected with the hurricane weather system to the southeast. Craycroft and his pilots seem to have felt no alarm about the cloud front. They had expected it. They also expected to emerge from its leading edge some twenty-five miles later.

“Some of them did.

“Unfamiliarity with the old controls, and lack of visibility within the cloud front, made for uncertain navigation for the pilots. At nine fifty-two one B-17 sideswiped another in the murk.

“The collision seems to have been wingtip-against-tail. The aircraft struck in the tail lost most of its rudder surface, and its elevator controls seem to have been rendered inoperative by the crash. The plane spiraled down out of control through the clouds and plummeted into a soybean field, killing the pilot instantly.

“The second plane, with part of its starboard wing crumpled, had lost much of the cambering effect of that wing, and while it did not go completely out of control, it was no longer capable of sustained flight. The pilot, Richard Tree, was commended afterward for the skill with which he set the plane down-a belly landing on farm fields. The plane was a total loss-cut apart with welding torches and sold for scrap after Aeroflight had salvaged some of the more portable components-but Richard Tree walked away from it unscathed.

“That left six. Emerging from the cloud front, regaining radio contact with the ground, Craycroft’s flight now found the entire horizon ahead of them blocked by black swirling weather. The hurricane had leaped across their path.

“Craycroft requested permission from the ground to divert to Kansas City, which lay to the south of the storm. Permission was granted and the six planes-half the original flight-arrived intact at KC airport shortly after noon. But facilities there had not been prepared for them, nor was it possible to get back on the original schedule; so the six planes had to wait on the ground in Kansas City for three days before a new clearance schedule could be arranged. In the meantime two of the earlier aborts bypassed them and made their way independently to New York, while Ryterband and the remaining pilot brought their repaired planes into Kansas, rejoining the flight and expanding its strength to eight aircraft.

“By this time the expedition was attracting more than just local publicity. The death of ‘Dusty’ Robinson, pilot of the B-17 that had crashed in Nebraska, had focused media attention on the Craycroft trek. Television and wire-service personnel began to crowd the KC airport and, angered by them, Craycroft kept his eight subordinates incommunicado and refused to cooperate with the press until a hurried call from Spaulding at the head office persuaded him, with reluctance, to grant interviews.

“The flight had become an adventure in the eyes of the public. In the eyes of Aeroflight, however, it had become a fiasco. The publicity was not the sort which was likely to encourage customer confidence in Aeroflight’s products. And the ferrying of the planes across the country was becoming tremendously costly-an expense capped by the fact that the insurance on the two wrecked B-17s was not nearly enough to cover their replacement cost on the open market; the insurance companies had refused to cover any sums greater than the actual purchase price of the airplanes, which had been bought from ACA at sacrifice price.

“It seems to have become a high-adventure challenge to the men in Craycroft’s flight group, however. Spurred by the television attention they were getting, the pilots encouraged Craycroft and on March twenty-sixth the eight planes left Kansas City in tight formation. Seven of them arrived in New York that night; the eighth was forced down in Pittsburgh by hydraulic failure. It was a minor dysfunction, easily and quickly repaired, but the news media seized on it and milked the story unashamedly: A photograph which appeared on front pages across the country showed the copilot-the hapless but expert Richard Tree-in the act of disgustedly hurling his cap at the ground, with the sagging airplane behind him on the runway.

“After that the disconsolate Craycroft sat in his office at Aeroflight waiting for the orders to come in, and evidently knowing in his bones that they never would.

“Of the ten surviving aircraft from the great cross-country adventure, only three were ever sold to paying customers. In nineteen seventy-two Spaulding donated two of the B-24s to the Air Force Museum at Wright Field in Ohio, hoping the tax credit from this contribution would wipe out the company’s taxes for the year; but as it turned out, Aeroflight had no profits on which to pay taxes anyway, and the donation simply reduced the company’s inventory assets by seventy-five thousand dollars.

“The two Constellations were the only planes from the flight to go into standard commercial operation; they were bought in nineteen seventy-one by a Canadian oil company for transporting workers to and from the isolated oil fields on the Western Slope.

“One of the B-17s was bought by an amusement park in upper New York State. The purchase price was approximately fifteen percent of the cost of Aeroflight’s investment in the plane.

“The remaining five aircraft took up space on the company’s runway. Out of what has been described, by company test pilot Richard Tree, as ‘that crazy obsession of Harold’s,’ the planes were kept in instant-ready condition at all times: fueled up and ready to take off. Now and then Craycroft would take one of them up for a spin, but these occasions became less frequent with time because of the expense of refueling.

“Aeroflight struggled through nineteen seventy-two and early nineteen seventy-three, staying afloat by selling its standard light planes. Craycroft and Ryterband had little to do, actually, other than kibitz with the production mechanics and toy with trifling improvements they incorporated into Spaulding’s designs. But Spaulding, out of intense loyalty to his old commander, kept the two men on; and they stayed because there were no other offers.

“On June seventh, nineteen seventy-three, Spaulding suffered an acute coronary thrombosis. He died within thirty-six hours.

“Controlling stock in the company went into the hands of Spaulding’s childless widow, but effective control of the company’s operations fell to Craycroft and Ryterband; Mrs. Spaulding, in ill health herself and severely traumatized by her husband’s death, trusted his two old friends and seems to have had little or no interest in taking part in company business.

“Craycroft and Ryterband, according to pattern, ran the company into the ground. They did so with amazing alacrity, even for them. By the end of nineteen seventy-three the company’s creditors were suing for payment of back debts, and Craycroft and Ryterband faced bankruptcy once again.

“Minority stockholders had no lever with which to prevent the brothers-in-law from mismanaging Aeroflight, because Mrs. Spaulding had gone into a sanitarium, had signed over controlling authority to Craycroft and Ryterband, and refused every effort by the stockholders to vote her stock against the two men. She seemed quite content to let them do as they pleased. A legal effort to have her declared incompetent failed in the courts.

“The issue was the same one that had faced the brothers-in-law at ACA. The stockholders wanted to change over to the design and manufacture of small jet aircraft. Craycroft, according to pattern, refused. ‘He was demented about that,’ Tree recalls. ‘Really bent out of shape. He refused to let anybody mention the word “jet” in his presence. Some of the rest of us felt the same way, of course, but we didn’t get violent about it. I mean the world changes, you’ve got to be realistic if you’re in business. You go along, or you go under. But Harold didn’t seem to care.’

“The question arises, what was Charles Ryterband’s role in all this? It is evident from the record that Ryterband consistently went along with his brother’s wishes in these matters. (The man tended to refer to Craycroft as ‘my brother,’ rather than as ‘my brother-in-law.’) But it is quite curious how Ryterband invariably agreed with and supported Craycroft, even though anyone can see that Craycroft was the inferior businessman. What vitality one finds in the records of the Craycroft-Ryterband operations are attributable to Craycroft’s engineering genius, yes, but also to Ryterband’s business sense, which, if not superior, was at least average. Yet time after time the brothers-in-law would reach a point of decision; and time after time Craycroft, making the wrong decision, would drag the loyal Ryterband after him down the road of disaster.

“Ryterband was older than Craycroft, far more worldly. He had the normal lexicon of social graces; he had a pleasant personality, a good family life, a normal quota of friends and acquaintances. Business contacts tend to characterize him as having been ‘a little big lightweight, maybe, but certainly not shifty. You could trust him, and his judgment wasn’t too bad most of the time.’

“Yet obviously Ryterband had a blind spot where Craycroft was concerned. Clues to it are scattered; probably the most plausible is found in such observations as this one, again by Richard Tree, interviewed recently at his home in Kansas, where he is now employed by Beechcraft:

“‘Hero worship. Spaulding had it. Ryterband has it, too, for the opposite reason, I think. Spaulding served under Harold in the war, and there’s no question Harold was one of the handful of guys who really contributed something to our winning the war. I mean he was a real legend, to those people who knew. Now, with Ryterband-it’s funny, I never knew him well enough to call him Charlie, but I think I got him figured out all the same-you see, the thing was, Ryterband didn’t serve in the war at all. He got turned down by the draft. Harold went on to become pretty famous among the airmen. Now, that had to have one of two effects on old Charlie Ryterband, didn’t it? I mean either he was going to get jealous and envious and hate his brother-in-law like poison, or he was going to knuckle under and treat Harold with awe. I mean real superman-style awe. And that’s what happened. Mostly because Ryterband wasn’t the kind of guy who hates easy. I rarely heard him ever say a cussword, let alone a nasty remark about any human being. Easygoing as hell, Ryterband. God knows what he had bottled up inside him-maybe he went along with Harold’s wild schemes just because he knew they’d be the ruin of Harold, and he didn’t care if he sank right alongside him as long as he was sure Harold was sinking, too. Maybe. But you’d have to ask a shrink about that. All I know is Ryterband would speak his piece and maybe he’d convince Harold, but if he didn’t convince Harold, then Harold would speak his piece, and that was that. Ryterband was invariably deferential, you know. He never contradicted Harold. Once it was clear Harold had his mind set on something, Ryterband backed him all the way. Always.

“During that same interview, Richard Tree was asked if he recalled the last time he had seen Craycroft.

“‘Sure. It was the day I left Aeroflight. I was just about the last one to go, you know. I stuck it out to the bitter end. I guess I had some of that hero worship myself, if you really want to know. I mean Harold’s-I don’t know, hell, it’s hard to explain. But he’s kind of vulnerable, you know? Kind of fragile. I mean you feel like you want to protect him. You keep rooting for him to prevail, even though you know he hasn’t got an ounce of common sense and he’s doomed to fail. Hell, I was still there two months after they gave out the last paychecks.’

“Asked when that was, Tree replied, ‘March of this year. When I left, I mean. The last paycheck was December’s. I finally had to feed my family, you know, so I got this job offer here and I came on out. But I didn’t really want to. It’s hard to put into words. Harold kind of creates this atmosphere around him, you know? It’s esprit de corps, something like that.

“‘It was like, hell, you know, it was like he was the coach and we were the football team and we’d lost every game the past two seasons because he was still using the old T formation and all the other teams had gone light-years ahead of that, but we went right on loving the old coach and playing the game his way. It was like that.’

“‘What happened to them after you left?’ the interviewer asked.’ Do you know?’

‘“I heard things. I’m not sure how true some of them are. I heard he ended up moving into the Aeroflight offices. Living there, I mean. He gave up his house, of course. He didn’t have much equity in it but he sold it and used the few bucks from the sale to pay some of the creditors or something. I mean Harold wasn’t a shyster. He always meant to pay his debts. He’d been bankrupt a couple times before, I understand-him or maybe his corporations, I don’t know which. But he’d felt demeaned by it, I know that. He hated the idea it was happening to him again. He scraped together everything he could, but it just wasn’t nearly enough. He ended up, I hear, living in the hangar. Sleeping in a bedroll on an army cot under the wing of one of those crazy old Flying Fortresses of his. The one they’d finished converting, with the pressurization and the new instruments and all. That was the only one they rebuilt before the shit hit the fan. Harold used it for a demonstrater, showing it off to potential buyers when they showed up. But nobody ever placed an order for it. I mean nobody wants those old crates anymore. Hell, they’re antiques. The only guy in the world who can still fix them up is Harold. What happens if you’re flying over the Sahara in one of those things and you need a quick tune-up? Nobody knows how anymore. It’s like antique foreign cars. They may be fun, but you can’t use them commercially. That was what Harold couldn’t see. He kept saying they were still the best goddamned four-engine planes ever built, those B-17s. Shit, yes, they were, there’s no question of it. But, for Christ’s sake, that old plane was thirty-two years old!

“‘Anyway that’s the last I heard of him. He was barricaded out there. When the lawyers came around to talk foreclosure, they got locked out. He wouldn’t let them in. I heard rumors he had a shotgun, he was threatening to shoot anybody that tried to break in.

“‘That’s the last I ever heard of old Harold. Until now, of course.’”

Harris (Cont’d)

Now, you’ve stated that you were a passenger in the Port Authority helicopter when the pilot received orders to examine Craycroft’s bomber at close range. What time did you make the initial study of the plane?

Must have been around twelve forty, twelve forty-five. I know we landed at one o’clock. It must have been maybe fifteen, twenty minutes before that when we made our pass at him. As I said, we got a good look at the plane. We could see there was only one man in the cockpit compartment. We couldn’t distinguish his features, of course. At least I couldn’t. I took some film of the plane.

Was that ordinary cinema film?

No. It was teletape-TV tape.

So I was told. Now, when you hovered over lower Manhattan to have a close look at the bomber, did Craycroft show any reaction to your surveillance?

I guess he did.

You guess?

I didn’t think he did it out of reaction to us. Not at the time. There was no obvious connection. But afterward, I realized, he was reacting to the threat we implied.

Can you explain that? What did he do, exactly?

He opened the bomb-bay doors. I got film of it. He was in the middle of his turn, vectoring north.

After that he left them open, didn’t he?

Yes. And that’s quite a feat, you know. The airplane gets harder to control with the doors open like that. You’ve got drafts in the bomb bay.

I see. Now, did anything else happen that struck your attention at that time?

No. He continued on the same circuit he’d been flying before. Up toward the northern end of Central Park, then a tight U-turn over the wide part of Manhattan and back south along the west side. Looking at him from below, he was making a clockwise circle.

How long did you remain hovering there?

Maybe five, six minutes. He hadn’t finished that circuit when we got orders to land and report in. The pilot did, that is. I was just along for the ride, as I said, trying to get news footage of the highway job.

Where did you land, and when?

One o’clock. I made a note of it. I was making a lot of notes. I mean you don’t see a bomber at treetop level opening its bomb-bay doors over Manhattan every day. With bombs in the racks.

You saw the bombs?

They looked like bombs to me. I remember thinking, if it’s a publicity stunt for that movie, it’s a hell of a realistic one. Whatever was happening, it was a news story-and I was right on top of it with teletape close-ups. I figured I had a hell of a beat. Anyway-you asked-we landed at the Wall Street heliport There were two uniformed cops and two plainclothes FBI agents waiting for us. I wanted to get to a phone, but they vetoed that. I got a little angry and they had to convince me.

How did they do that?

They told me those were real bombs he had in that airplane. That’s enough to shut anybody up, wouldn’t you say?

What happened next?

One of the agents asked me if I had film in the camera and I told him it wasn’t film, it was tape. We got it established that I had shots of the plane from close-up. He put in a call from his car radio for a teletape reader. That’s a portable playback machine with a small screen. Like a film editor’s moviola. Only with TV tape you get instant playback, of course, since you don’t have to develop the film.

That was quite a stroke of luck.

Sure. But we couldn’t see any way to take advantage of it. I mean, we had it, but what good was it? So we had close-up pictures of the airplane and the open doors and even a couple of oblique shots of the bombs glistening inside there. But that didn’t change anything.

You accompanied the officers and the helicopter pilot to the Merchants Trust Bank, did you?

Yes. Mostly because they’d ordered the teletape reader sent over there. They figured I could do narration while they were looking at the pictures. I mean, Woods and I were the only ones who’d been up there close to him.

What time did you arrive at the bank?

We got up to Maitland’s office around one fifteen. It took about twenty minutes more before the reader showed up. The place was pretty crowded by then-a lot of official types milling around. They had Ryterband stuck in a corner behind a barricade of chairs. The old guy looked confused but stubborn. He wasn’t giving an inch. In a strange way I got to admire him a little in the next hour or two. He had a lot of balls, you had to give him that.

Who appeared to be in charge?

That’d be a matter of opinion. In Azzard’s opinion-he’s the FBI muckamuck I know.

In Azzard’s opinion he was in charge. There was a police captain, fellow named Grofeld-damn nice guy, incidentally, not your stereotype beefy cop-he was there, too. He wasn’t running around asserting himself the way the FBI clowns were, but I think you could say if anybody in the room had a semblance of real control, it would be Grofeld. Him and a police sergeant named Billy O’Brien. I’ve known O’Brien off and on for three, four years. He’s one of the best. Quick, practical, brainy-a real take-charge guy. Between him and Grofeld the FBI was left standing in the chocks, if you want my honest opinion.

I do, Mr. Harris, very much. I appreciate your candor.

The rest of them have to cover their asses, Mr. Skinner. I’ve got no boss to brownnose. I’m free to speak my piece. The rest of them may not have it that easy. I’m not taking any kudos-it’s just the position I happen to be in. If I was a civil servant like those poor bastards, I might get a little canny and close-mouthed, too. Or try to pass the buck.

Do you think the buck requires passing, Mr. Harris?

Well, there were goof-ups here and there.

Can you name some?

There was one that could have been pretty hairy. One of the FBI boys had a bright idea. He almost talked Azzard into it.

What was that?

Get some artillery up on a roof somewhere and shoot him down.

You’re kidding.

I was standing right there. I remember I just gave Azzard a pained look. But, so help me, he was taking the clown seriously. How could you figure he’d buy that one? We’d all heard Ryterband, over there in the corner muttering about how those bombs were armed. And here Azzard was seriously thinking about shooting him down.

What happened?

I said a few words. I said, “For Christ’s sake he’s got armed bombs in that airplane.” I mean, you shoot him down, he crashes in Manhattan, you lose six or eight city blocks. Eight thousand pounds of high explosive?

I’m not familiar with the expression “armed bombs.” Is there such a thing as an unarmed bomb?

Sure.

Can you clarify it for me?

Well, there are all kinds of high explosives. But most of them are fairly stable chemicals until they’re ignited by a detonation device. You can play baseball with a normal blasting stick. But if you stick a fuse in it and throw an electric charge into the fuse, then it’ll blow up. You follow? Normally a high-explosive compound won’t explode from simple impact. There has to be a detonation device. Electric, heat, or impact. There are various kinds. With old-fashioned aerial bombs, the usual detonator was an impact device-a pin in the nose of the bomb, like a firing pin, designed to explode a capsule of fulminate-of-mercury, which in turn ignites the main explosive. If you block off that firing pin, the bomb is disarmed-it won’t blow up as a result of an impact. You could drop a disarmed bomb from ten thousand feet and all you’d get would be a dull thud and a little dent in the ground, if the detonator wasn’t armed. The point is, nobody in a bomber wants his whole plane to blow sky-high if his bomb bay happens to get hit by a stray machine-gun bullet from an enemy fighter. You follow? So ordinarily you only pull the switch that arms the warheads when you’re ready to drop them out of the plane. That’s normal safety procedure. Usually the disarming device is simply a metal plate wedged between the firing pin and the detonator. Pull that plate out, and it arms the bomb. But as long as the plate remains in place, the bomb won’t explode.

But the bombs in Craycroft’s plane were armed?

Ryterband said they were. If we believed the rest of his story, we sure as hell had to believe that part, didn’t we? That seemed the whole point of Ryterband’s caterwauling-to make damn sure we knew those bombs were armed.

What did Azzard say when you pointed this out to him?

Not much of anything that I can remember. He was a little miffed. I don’t think he wanted to believe me. But there were a couple of guys from the police bomb squad hanging around, and they agreed with what I told him.

To your knowledge, what was being done at this time to meet the demands of Craycroft and Ryterband?

I was just a spectator, of course. I didn’t hear or see a lot of what was going on. I think they had somebody trying to get the money up. Maitland, the banker, kept getting on the phone with his people.

Was anybody speculating as to whether the money could be got up in time?

Sure. Everybody was.

Where was the emphasis, would you say? On trying to stop Craycroft or on raising the money to pay him off?

I’d have to say both. Everybody was concerned about both. It was Hobson’s choice.

Valkenburg (Cont’d)

Did the Federal Reserve Bank respond with alacrity to your approach?

I don’t know if you could say that.

What could you say?

They got stricken with a damn near terminal case of bureaucracy over there. They always do if there’s anything that smells like a crisis.

And?

I got put on hold.

And then?

In the first place they couldn’t seem to find anybody that was willing to admit he was authorized to talk to anyone about anything. It was about ten after twelve when I made the call, and they’re all civil servants down there. Ergo they were all out to lunch.

And in the second place?

Well, look, in a nutshell what it came down to was this: The federal government gives money away all the time, but they do it after there’s been a Congressional appropriation and a policy authorization from some Cabinet agency, right? Now here we’re talking about five million dollars in cash, and the Fed is the only place in town that happens to stock that particular model, and what it boiled down to was that they didn’t have signatures in quintuplicate authorizing the release of said item.

What did you do about it?

Me? I’m a vice-president of a private bank. I don’t swing much weight at the Fed. I knew one guy down there, I play handball with him, he’s a deputy administrator in the disposal office. But he was out to lunch. The rest of them heard my story, suddenly they no spick English. At first they wouldn’t even tell me where my friend was having lunch. Finally I got the name of the restaurant and put through a call. He came on the line and listened to my yarn and then he just breathed hard for a few minutes. I didn’t want to interrupt that. Then he said he’d run straight back to his office and call me back from there.

What time was it then?

It must have been after twelve thirty by the time I got him at the restaurant, and it was maybe ten minutes to one when he called me back from the Fed.

But there was no progress?

Not right away, no. It was still the bugaboo of authorization. Everybody was out to lunch and everybody at the head office in Washington was out to lunch too.

You must have been a little angry by then.

I didn’t have any doubt at all that this guy was perfectly willing to spray bombs all over the city if we didn’t come up with the money.

Why were you convinced of that?

Because I figured if I were crazy enough to pull a stunt like that, I sure as hell wouldn’t be bluffing.

You mentioned that your friend at the Federal Reserve Bank was a deputy administrator in the disposal office. Can you tell me what that means?

It’s where they destroy old money.

You mean worn-out dollar bills, that sort of thing?

Yes. You’ve probably seen bank tellers separating out the badly worn bills and putting them in separate bundles in their cash drawers. At the end of the day those bills are gathered up by each bank and set aside for collection by the Federal Reserve. The Fed takes the responsibility of disposing of them. They collect the used bills from the banks, and they either issue credits for them or they exchange them for brand-new bills, depending on the individual bank’s cashflow situation at the moment. There’s a lot of red tape, of course. It wouldn’t be a federal office without that. They have to make a record of the serial number of every bill before they destroy it. Then they have all sorts of checks and balances-people watching people watching people-to make sure nobody rips off a wad of old twenties on the way to the incinerator. It’s a complicated operation. But it does mean there’s a lot of money in the vaults at the disposal office-that’s the incinerator office. The new bills, ready for dispersal to the banks, are kept in vaults adjacent to the disposal vaults. So between the two sets of vaults you have the heaviest concentration of small-denomination banknotes in the city.

Don’t some of the big banks have large supplies of cash? Your bank, for example, the Merchants Trust, doesn’t it have dozens of branches around the city? Wouldn’t there be a large aggregate of cash among them?

Sure. But it’s scattered all over. We’ve got forty-six branch offices in the five boroughs of New York. Every branch office has a vault and x number of tellers’ cages. Do you have any idea how long it would take to round up all that money and get it delivered to one central point? Christ, the guy had given us a deadline-we had less than three hours to come up with the money. More like two hours at that point. We were sitting on a goddamn time bomb-literally.

Channing

Full name, for the record, please?

Owen B. Channing.

Your title and position?

Chief of the heavy bomber section, aircraft history division, the Air Force Museum, Wright Field, Dayton, Ohio. I’m a civilian employed by the United States Air Force with a civil-service rating of GS-11.

You’ve had an opportunity to examine some of the evidence in this case, isn’t that right, Mr. Channing?

Yes.

Specifically you’ve had interviews arranged for you with some of the witnesses, Mr. Harris and Mr. Woods particularly, and you’ve seen Mr. Harris’ television-tape photographs of the bomber?

Yes, that’s right.

You also had dealings with Craycroft and Ryterband a few years ago, didn’t you?

Yes. Rather briefly. I knew Harold Craycroft by reputation, of course-everybody in my generation of air-war buffs knew about him.

What can you tell me about him that might be of use to us? We already know a good deal of his personal history.

I don’t know if I could be of much assistance there, Mr. Skinner. I only met him once, and it was quite a short meeting. I enjoyed the opportunity to meet him, of course-I’d heard so much about him. He didn’t seem very strange, I must say. Certainly there was no indication he might be demented.

Can you reconstruct that meeting for us?

I’ll try. Nothing terribly memorable happened. His company, Aeroflight, had made arrangements to donate two aircraft to our museum.

When was that?

The arrangements had been made toward the end of nineteen seventy-one. We took delivery of the planes in January, nineteen seventy-two.

Go on, please.

The planes were flown to Dayton by tour men from Aeroflight. Craycroft was the pilot of one plane, and a man named Tree flew the other one. Their copilots were Aeroflight employees. I inspected the planes, signed the delivery papers, and had dinner at a local steak house with one of my assistants and the four Aeroflight men. I didn’t really get an opportunity to speak with Craycroft alone-it was a group of six of us and the conversation rambled quite a bit, as you might imagine. You don’t get much of an impression of individuals in circumstances like that, not unless they’re extraordinarily striking people.

Craycroft wasn’t particularly striking, then?

Not unusual, no. He was quite good-looking, of course, but his personality seemed rather withdrawn-retiring, you might say. He didn’t talk very much except when the subject came around to engineering technicalities. That seemed to bring him alive a bit more.

Then he seemed subdued at that time?

No, I wouldn’t say that at all-not if you mean it in the sense of depression. I think he was naturally a quiet person, that’s all. An introvert. Mr. Tree did most of the talking, as I recall-he’s rather ebullient. Once in a while the conversation would come around to some of the famous legends about Craycroft during the war, and at those points Craycroft would smile as if he was very pleased to be so well remembered. But it was a shy kind of smile, and he only talked sparingly about the war days. Mostly about the weaknesses that had been built into the aircraft designs, and the corrective redesigns he’d created. He wasn’t boastful about it. I got the impression it had always puzzled him that the original designers hadn’t seen their mistakes. Things were so obvious to Craycroft that he seemed baffled when other people couldn’t see them as clearly as he could. I’ve heard him called a genius, but if so he certainly didn’t display any of the arrogance you might expect. He wasn’t contemptuous of anyone; he was just puzzled by lesser minds.

Can you recall, did he express concern about his business failure or about the financial straits Aerofiight was in?

No. You mean the fact that they’d bought those twelve planes from ACA and hadn’t been able to sell them.

Yes.

He seemed to think it might take a little time but they’d be able to sell the planes eventually.

Then why had he donated the two bombers to your museum?

I believe that decision had been made by Mr. Spaulding, the president of Aerofiight.

Did Craycroft disagree with that decision?

He may have. I don’t know. He didn’t say anything to me that suggested any differences between him and Spaulding.

Then would you say he showed a lack of interest? An indifference to what happened to the airplanes?

Not at all. But I think you’ve got to understand, Craycroft wasn’t the kind of man who’d get excited about buying or selling airplanes. He wasn’t a possessive or retentive sort of personality; at least he didn’t strike me as one. His interests lay in the mechanical, not the financial. If you really want to know, I think a lot of us tend to think of airplanes as-well, not to put too fine a point on it, we think of them as playthings. Toys for grown-ups. We’re hobbyists, essentially, and those of us who are lucky enough to be employed in some capacty in the aeronautical field are simply getting paid for what we’d prefer to do anyway. I know I’m like that, and I inferred from Craycroft’s attitude that he was the same way. It’s not an acquisitive sort of interest. I love working with airplanes, sorting out the truth about their development, digging up stories about them-anecdotes, unique events associated with some particular airplane. The museum has an extensive collection of planes dating right back to the earliest days of powered flight. To me it’s like having an enormous playroom. I love to tinker with them, study them, even create fantasies about them. Visualize them as they were, I mean-in flight, in action. But I don’t own them, and I don’t have any particular desire to own them. They’re simply there, that’s all. Part of my job consists of acquiring aircraft for the museum’s collection, but I do that merely as a custodial purchasing agent. I’ve never tried to kid myself into thinking it was my collection. It wouldn’t matter, you see?

I think so. Now, these two planes that Craycroft delivered to you were Second World War bombers that he and his crews had restored to airworthy condition, is that right?

To some extent they were restored. To some extent they had actually been redesigned. Some of the components were devices that hadn’t been invented until long after those planes went out of production. Radio-beam navigational systems, for example. But these two particular planes had been put together for use in a motion picture about the war, and they’d been painted with the markings of an actual squadron that had been in service over the Channel on D-day. Some of the equipment-the blister guns, for instance-was mocked up, but it looked real enough, and we were glad to have the planes because in appearance they were as close as you could get to what the original planes looked like. Naturally we’ve admitted on the identifying placards that these are restorations and that some of the visible components are mock-ups, but at least the visitor knows that this is exactly what they looked like in June, nineteen forty-four.

I see. Are these two planes, which you have in your collection, essentially similar to the bomber Craycroft flew in this case?

No. The two planes we have are B-24 Liberators. One was built by Consolidated, the original manufacturer, at Fort Worth in nineteen forty-three. The other was built by Ford, under license from Consolidated, at its Willow Run plant near the end of nineteen forty-two. Both those planes actually saw service in the war, incidentally, although not with the markings Craycroft painted on them. But in any case they were B-24 Liberators. The bomber in this case in New York was a B-17 Flying Fortress. A Boeing design. It’s a completely different airplane.

I hope you’ll indulge my ignorance, Mr. Channing. I’m no expert on airplanes.

It’s quite all right.

Is it possible, in spite of the fact that the plane wasn’t the same design, that we might learn something about Cray-croft’s own bomber from the nature of his design-work on your two planes?

It’s possible, yes.

In what ways?

With reference to the television-movie films I’ve seen of his B-17, you mean?

Yes, of course. I take it there are some similarities between the two types of airplane to begin with?

They were both designated as heavy bombers, yes. The B-17 design preceded the B-24 design, as you might assume from the numerical designations. Their specifications were in the same ball park when it came to dimensions, performance, speed, range, bomb-load capacity, and that sort of thing. They were both four-engine designs; they both carried nine-or ten man crews and had armament that was roughly the same. Their silhouettes are completely different, of course. The wings are located at a different level, the tail structures are different-the B-17 had the standard single rudder, while the B-24 had a tricycle landing gear and sat with its tail up, supported on a nose wheel. Do you want more detail?

Not of that kind, no. But I’d like to know what you might be able to explain about the particular plane we were dealing with.

Well, for one thing I think we have to remember that he had to rebuild the plane twice. At least I’m told that his original restoration and redesign on that B-17 was intended to turn it into a passenger-and-car-go plane.

Could you clarify that for me?

In essence it’s quite simple. Originally at ACA he rebuilt the plane to carry passengers and cargo. Then, at some recent point, after he’d made up his mind to make this attack on the city, he had to reconvert the plane. Make it a bomber again.

Very well. But what does that tell us?

There were a few things that the reporter, Mr. Harris, noticed when he was taking his film footage of the plane from his helicopter. The bomb-bay doors were opened, for example. A cargo or passenger plane has no bomb-bay doors. So he’d had to rebuild the entire bomb bay, you see. Then there was something else Mr. Harris noticed and pointed out to me-the fact that the windows were sealed.

Go on, please.

When he’d converted it for passenger use, he’d had to pressurize it. You understand the term?

Yes.

All right. But in order to pressurize a cabin you’ve got to seal it. The interior of the airplane must be absolutely airtight. Otherwise, obviously, you can’t pressurize it. So he’d had to strengthen the windows and seal all around them with rubber grommets and epoxy. The same around the doors, of course. And he’d had to double-pane the windows to provide insulation. There was a second skin built inside the outer shell of the fuselage, also for heat insulation, and there must have been a heating system built into the plane. None of that was part of the original design. On an original B-17 the pilot could open his windows-there was a sliding glass pane beside him. As things turned out, it proved quite significant that the windows were sealed, didn’t it?

Yes. But let’s get back to the design changes he’d made. It wasn’t possible to maintain pressure inside the cabin if he had the bomb-bay doors wide open, was it?

No, of course not. The whole interior of the plane was exposed to the outside air as soon as he opened the bomb bay. It must have been quite windy inside, as a matter of fact.

Then having a pressurization system didn’t do him any good?

Well, he didn’t need it anyway. Pressurization is only required when you’re at high altitude-ten or fifteen thousand feet or more. Circling over New York, he wasn’t much higher than your tallest buildings. I doubt he ever took the plane up above two thousand feet. Probably less than that. He had no need to pressurize the cabin, or use oxygen, or turn on the heat. It’s only at higher altitudes, where the air becomes very thin and cold, that you need those devices.

I see. But Mr. Harris mentioned to you that he noticed these elements when he first photographed the plane in flight?

Harris is quite observant, I’ve found. He’s also something of an airplane buff, so you might expect him to notice things that another person might miss.

Can you continue?

Certainly. The point is, I think, you’ve got to realize that the plane had already been converted to passenger use when he decided to turn it back into a bomber. He’d already got the pressure system and the heat and all that stuff built in. Now he didn’t need any of those items for his bombing scheme, but it would have made for a lot of extra effort to remove those items from the plane, and he had no reason to remove them. They weren’t in the way. It’s the same as the air conditioner in your car. You don’t use it in the winter, but that doesn’t mean you remove it.

I understand that.

Now, as for the bomb bay, that part of the plane had been welded shut and completely rebuilt inside the fuselage for passenger service. Also, the machine-gun blisters had been removed and those cavities in the skin of the plane had been covered over with riveted plates. And he’d installed rows of double-pane observation windows along either side of the fuselage, so that the passengers could look out from their seats. Some of that he left alone when he did the reconversion. But obviously he removed the seats and the flooring and installed a complete bomb-rack system and a new set of bomb-bay doors in the belly of the plane.

There was a point early in the case-perhaps in the very early afternoon while Craycroft was circling overhead-when Mr. Harris expressed an interest in the communications systems and particularly the navigational systems.

Yes, I talked to him about that. He seems to have done some fascinating detective work at that time.

What was your impression of Harris’ analysis of the equipment?

I don’t think he was making a risky assumption about it. Some people have accused him of that, haven’t they?

It’s been suggested he was hasty.

He wasn’t. He knows these airplanes fairly well, don’t forget that. And he’s a reporter-trained to observe and interpret.

He concluded that the primary system was radio-oriented. And that jibes with your knowledge?

Absolutely. Both B-24s we received from Aero-flight were equipped with radio-beam navigation compasses.

There were also magnetic compasses aboard?

Yes. Carefully corrected for the metal in the airplane.

Were those the original equipment?

Not on our two B-24s. I would assume he installed a new magnetic compass on the B-17 as well, but we don’t know that for a fact, do we?

The evidence we have suggests it.

He had installed a LORAN system as well in one of the two B-24s. That’s similar in design to a radiocompass, but the two systems have different functions.

Did he have both systems on his B-17?

No one seems to know that. It’s quite certain he had a standard radiocompass.

Can you describe the difference, in layman’s terms?

Certainly. A radiocompass picks up a signal from a broadcasting tower on the ground. The location of that tower is known and programmed into your radiocompass. The simple computing device in the compass gives you a readout of your course. The direction you’re traveling, relative to the ground beacon. A LORAN system, on the other hand, picks up signals from two or more separate broadcasting stations on the ground. Again these are of known location; each broadcasts on a different wavelength or with a different code signal. The LORAN receiver absorbs these signals and computes on the basis of geometric triangulation, also taking into account the relative strengths of the signals it receives. As a result it gives you a readout of your location at any given moment. The acronym stands, loosely, for “Long Range Radio Navigation.” But the difference between the two systems is basically very simple. A radiocompass tells you the direction of your heading. A LORAN receiver tells you your exact location. Have I clarified it for you?

Perfectly, thank you. Now, the question became rather crucial and heated, didn’t it, whether Craycroft also had a gyrocompass among his instruments?

I wasn’t there at the time, of course, but I’m told that became a heated issue, yes.

Can you comment on it, in retrospect?

I would have to agree with Harris’ judgment again. The chances were he didn’t have a gyrocompass.

Why not?

The gyrocompass is one of those gadgets you have if you’re very rich or very poor. In airplane terms, I mean. Craycroft was middle-class. He wouldn’t have had one. Let me put it this way. If you have a small private plane, chances are you’ll have only one compass. It’ll be a gyro, most likely, because they’re more dependable for short-term use than magnetic compasses, whch can be deflected by heavy metal deposits nearby. On the other hand, if you’re a huge airline and you operate huge modern jet airplanes, you’re going to want to have every kind of navigational system that’s available. You’ll have probably ten different systems aboard, and one of them will be a gyrocompass-just part of the package, one of those planned redundancies so that you can double-check one instrument against another and get confirmation of your readings. But if you’re in the middle class-rich enough to afford a few extra safety gadgets, but not profligate enough to carry tons of extra instruments-then you’ll probably dispense with the gyrocompass. You’ll have a magnetic, and you’ll have one or two types of radiocompass, and that’ll be that.

You seem quite certain of that.

I am. I’m airplane people, remember? So is Mr. Harris. Also, there’s the fact that I’ve got two of Craycroft’s planes in my custody, so to speak, and neither of them has a gyrocompass-even though both planes were originally equipped with them. They’d been removed.

Why?

They’d probably worn out. They don’t last forever. It’s a very intricate system of bearings, balances, and lubricants. They have to be cared for. That’s why a good many airmen dispense with them. The radio-compass requires far less maintenance. And the magnetic compass, of course, requires virtually none. I mean it’s basically a simple Boy Scout compass. It has no machinery. As long as the needle is free to move on its pivot, it works. The only thing that can louse it up is rust. But a gyrocompass is a different animal-fragile, delicate, built to extremely precise tolerances.

Then what advantages would it offer anyone?

It offers accuracy, in those regions where there aren’t a large number of ground beacons in the radio navigation network. And a gyrocompass isn’t affected by such things as electrical discharges in storms-factors which can deflect radiocompasses and even magnetic compasses. Private planes use gyros because they often fly solo without radio beams-visual flight regulations, that’s called. They don’t want to be bothered with all the machinery of radio equipment. And of course the radiocompasses and LORANs are vastly more expensive than the gyros. But in most situations they’re also vastly more useful.

What, exactly, is a gyrocompass? How does it differ from the others?

It’s a balancing wheel. It works on the principle of inertia. It’s set to spinning at a high rate. Like a top, it keeps its balance and resists being pushed off-balance. It rotates within a sphere filled with fluid, or a complex system of bearings and pivots. Regardless of the attitude of the airplane, the attitude of the gyro remains the same with relation to the ground. It’s divorced from all forces outside the airplane itself, except-to some extent-the force of gravity. But it’s not affected by magnetic deposits in the earth, by electric charges in the atmosphere, or by freak deflections of radio beams-which sometimes happen in certain weather systems. It’s rather like a weightless, frictionless objection suspended in the middle of the cockpit. You can point your plane up, down, forward, backward or sideways, or even upside down. The gyro remains in the same position-relative to the ground-at all times, regardless of the position of the airplane that contains it.

In other words it’s a self-contained compass which couldn’t be fooled by anything taking place outside the airplane.

Exactly.

And all the other types of compass can be fooled?

Yes. By magnetic, electrical, or radio deflections.

Adler

General, could you identify yourself for our record, please?

Happy to. Adler, Michael Joseph, Junior. Brigadier General, United States Air Force. Currently stationed at the Suffolk County Air Force Base on Old River-head Road near Westhampton, Long Island. My assignment is in aircraft and component procurement. I serve as liaison with Grumman and other supplier firms in the Long Island-New York area. Do you want my serial number and other official designations?

Those won’t be necessary, General. It’s merely a matter of having your identity established, as a witness before this commission.

You’ve referred to “the commission” before, Mr. Skinner, and the Mayor referred to it that way when he asked me to meet you here. But all I see in this room is you and Mrs. Field.

Well, Mrs. Field operates our stenotype machine, of course, although we’re also recording these interviews on tape. I’m conducting the interviews in behalf of the committee. The transcriptions will be read by the entire membership, and recommendations will be made on that basis. You can take it that I’m here as the official representative of the Mayor’s commission.

That’s fine by me. It’ll probably go faster.

I hope so. Now, you were called in by whom-Lieutenant O’Hara of the New York Police?

No, it was Andy Toombes.

You mean the Deputy Police Commissioner?

That’s right.

This was on Wednesday, the twenty-second?

That’s right.

At what time of day?

It was a little after one o’clock in the afternoon. Lockheed has an office on Lexington Avenue. I’d just arrived there for a conference with some of their people. Four Oh Five Lexington. There was a message for me to call Andy Toombes-evidently he’d called the base and they’d told him I was on my way into the city. Anyhow, I called him from Lockheed, and he filled me in on what was going on. I went right down to the subway and went downtown. It was faster than surface transit at that time of day.

You went directly to the Merchants Trust Bank?

Yes. It happened Andy was just arriving at the same time. We met at the elevator in the lobby and rode up together.

To Paul Maitland’s office.

Yes. I couldn’t remember Maitland’s first name. It’s Paul, is it?

At what time did you and Commissioner Toombes enter the office?

Must have been one forty, thereabouts.

I take it you and Commissioner Toombes are well acquainted. How is that?

We’re the same age-forty-seven. Our wives were cronies at Barnard twenty-five years ago. When I was transferred up here from Davis Monthan AFB in Arizona last year, Peggy got in touch with Sharon Toombes and we started going out together as a foursome. Andy and I hit it off right away.

But you’d never had any official dealings with him prior to this?

No, it was purely social.

Then I take it the reason Commissioner Toombes called you, rather than some other Air Force officer, was simply the fact that he knew you personally.

That’s right.

Isn’t it possible he might have found some other Air Force officer who could have reached the scene earlier?

He might have, yes. But most of the AF types you’ll find right in Manhattan are recruiting-office people, that sort of thing. I’m a flier. I started out jockeying 29s and 36s. I’m a flight-line officer, not a desk commander. Andy had already talked to the AF people in the Manhattan office, but none of them knows a hell of a lot about real airplanes. They’re a pack of fat-assed politicians. He needed somebody like me. I was the handiest, by coincidence, I guess-it just happened I was in the city that day. If he hadn’t got me, he’d have found somebody else. But I don’t think you can accuse him of wasting time, not on account of our friendship.

I see. Well, in any case you reached Maitland’s suite in the Merchants Trust building at approximately one forty in the afternoon. Had you been fully briefed before you entered that office?

Pretty much, yes. Andy had explained the outlines of it over the phone in about four short sentences. I’d seen the Fort from the street of course. You could hardly miss it. Hell, you could damn near count the bombs through the open bomb-bay doors, it was flying that low. People were gawking at it all over town. And Andy’d given me some of the details while we were in the elevator going up to Maitland’s office.

So you didn’t have to expend much time familiarizing yourself with the situation after you arrived there?

No, I didn’t. Anyhow I wasn’t there to be an audience for people’s explanations of what was happening.

What were you there for?

To help, if I could.

And could you? Did you?

I like to think I did. I tried to, anyhow. You’d probably be better off asking somebody else that question. I’m not the proper person to ask to evaluate my own performance.

I appreciate that, General, but we’re only trying to get the facts. Now, at the time you arrived there was barely more than an hour remaining before the deadline Ryterband had set. Is that right?

We had about eighty minutes, I was told.

At that time, I’m informed, you submitted a rather brilliantly succinct analysis of the situation.

Who the hell told you that?

Toombes.

Son of a bitch. Did he actually use those words?

Yes, he did.

He was overstating it, you know.

Perhaps. In any case I wonder if you could recap for us now what you stated then?

Well, I’d seen what was going on. I mean Andy had told me what was going on, and anybody with two eyes could see how it was shaping up. But a lot of them seemed damn confused about the mechanics of it. I mean, most of them didn’t have any experience dealing with airplanes in a combat situation. All I did was tell them what their options were. I gave them the facts. It wasn’t up to me to make decisions about what to do. I didn’t have the authority to decide whether they should pay the ransom or not, for example. That wasn’t my department. My department was the airplane and the available possible methods of dealing with it.

You mean there were ways to deal with it.

There are ways to deal with any threat. But you have to decide whether they’re worth the risks involved. You can neutralize any kind of guerrilla extortion-hijacking, kidnapping, whatever-but you’ve got to be prepared to accept the possible consequences.

You’re saying, I think, that the people in charge had the option of simply refusing to knuckle under. But you said a moment ago that it wasn’t your department to make that kind of suggestion.

It wasn’t, although if it had been up to me I’d have made that decision. To refuse the demands and tell the son of a bitch to go to hell. I mean, for my money, all they had to do was tell it to him straight. He had his radio wide open, he could hear them when they talked to him. He was in communication with his partner there in the office.

Charles Ryterband.

Yeah. I’d have told him to go to hell. I’d have pointed out the consequences to him. “If you kill one single soul in New York City, you’ll die yourself. You’ll be shot down like a dog.” He’d have backed off. Hell, what choice would he have?

It seems pretty clear he was demented. You can’t depend on a deranged man to act sensibly. A man in normal mental health wouldn’t have tried what Craycroft was trying in the first place.

In my opinion, Mr. Skinner, you have to consider the long-range consequences of any such decision. If you knuckle under to the first Craycroft, then you can be damn sure there’ll be a whole army of imitators who see that Craycroft got away with it, so they’ll decide to try the same thing, or a variation on it. Give in to the first one, and pretty soon you’re going to have a bomb threat every week. That’s what happened all over the world with these guerrilla kidnappings, these airplane hijackings. All it takes is one successful plot, and every half-baked screwball in the world decides to get on the bandwagon. You’ve got to cut these things off at birth, that’s my opinion. But screw it. You and I could sit here for months debating the philosophy behind these decisions. They’re essentially political, not military. They’re out of my bailiwick. I’m not here to testify about that, am I?

Well, I appreciate having your views, General. In any case, according to Mr. Toombes you provided a quick precise analysis. I wonder if you’d recap that analysis for me now?

I’ll try. Look, I was in uniform that day. I must have looked pretty good to those guys right then. Maybe they thought I had some magical solution to offer. How to just reach up and turn that thing off, or something. I mean I was supposed to be The Expert, in caps. I walked in the room and they all looked to me for something. I had to set them straight, and I had to do it fast because they didn’t have time to waste hoping for magical answers from me. You follow?

Yes, I think so. Go on.

As near as I can remember, I told them something like this. You’ve got several options. You can threaten him, you can try to shoot him down, or you can try to deflect him off his course and get him out over open water and then shoot him down. Now, each of these courses is-as they say-fraught with peril.

Yes.

Basically it’s a question of how do you stop a bomber. Well you can’t build a brick wall in front of it. You can’t reach up with a skyhook and pull it out of the way. There are all kinds of things you can’t do. There’s a few things you can do, but you’ve got to weigh the risks of each.

I take it you enumerated those things?

Yes. First, you can send up a plane-an armed Air Force plane, we could get a fighter up there in maybe fifteen minutes if we had to. And shoot him full of holes, maybe get in some cannon fire and blow the son of a bitch up.

But?

We’re told he’s got armed bombs inside that open bomb bay. Suppose you blow him up in midair with an air-to-air missile or cannon and machine-gun fire from the air? You’ve got live explosive falling on New York City. Are you prepared to risk that?

Go on, please.

Okay, next. Ground fire. Antiaircraft. SAM missile. Whatever. Same scenario, same risks, same objection.

You proposed more options than those two, didn’t you?

I probably proposed a dozen or more. I don’t know if I can remember them all. Some of them were pretty fanciful.

Such as?

There’s a drag that’s used sometimes in forest fire-fighting operations. Kind of a wide mesh-type fishnet, suspended from two or more airplanes. They use them to smother fires in certain conditions. Anyhow you could hang a mesh between two powerful jet aircraft and simply scoop the guy right up out of the sky and carry him off.

Very ingenious.

Sure. Eat where are you going to find gadgetry like that in New York City when you’ve got barely an hour before the deadline?

Continue, General.

This one wasn’t mine. I think it was the FBI man-Hazard?

Azzard.

Yeah. He suggested using a laser beam. Like James Bond. Cut the bomber in half or something. Same problem there, of course. Where are you going to get a laser gun on short notice? In any case I don’t even know if there’s such a weapon in existence, except on somebody’s drawing board. Well, anyhow. I said they could always just put a radar tail on him-from the air and from the ground-and just go ahead and pay the ransom, and then pick him up when he landed. Sooner or later he was going to land. What goes up must come down. Of course that was the obvious answer. It was too obvious.

Why?

Several things. One, nobody was sure at that point whether they were going to be able to raise the money in time. Two, it was easy enough to put a tail on the plane but it might not be that easy to put a tail on Ryterband and keep it there-and Ryterband was the one who was collecting the money. Three, the whole plan had been worked out in pretty good detail by Craycroft, and it was hard to believe he’d gone to all that trouble without figuring out a pretty good escape trick for himself. He might have anticipated radar surveillance. In fact, he almost certainly had. He was an airman, he wasn’t ignorant.

Nevertheless, he was quite bent, wasn’t he? He might have simply ignored that sort of thing in his plans.

I don’t believe that. There’s a big difference between crazy and stupid. Some of the looniest people I’ve ever known were brilliant. Superbly logical.

Go on with your analysis, General.

There was a Port Authority helicopter flier there, a man named Woods. He’d watched the bomber’s flght pattern. I don’t know if any of them had figured out what Craycroft was doing. So I told them what he was doing.

To wit?

He was confining his circle to a route that kept him constantly above heavily populated land surface.

In other words there was no point at which he could be shot down over water.

Exactly. He crossed the East River twice in his flight path, but he never did it quite the same twice in a row. And the East River’s a narrow channel. He was making it a point to cross it in the area of the three bridges-the Brooklyn, the Manhattan, and the Williamsburg Bridge. A few times he flew out above the Brooklyn-Manhattan bridges-they’re quite close together-and made his U-turn over Brooklyn and came back the same way. Other times he’d make his outward crossing above the Brooklyn Bridge and make the return pass over the Williamsburg Bridge, which is a little way upstream. But if we’d tried to shoot him down there, we faced a pretty good chance he’d crash into one of the bridges if he didn’t hit the populated areas. And those bridges are damned expensive to replace, not to mention the constant traffic on them.

Yes, quite.

You see, they’d called me in because they thought there had to be some simple way to neutralize that bomber. That’s what the Air Force is for-to solve aerial problems. There was one thing they forgot.

What’s that?

We weren’t at war. Look, in wartime you shoot the enemy down and you don’t give a damn where they fall. The Battle of Britain-I hate to think of the number of Luftwaffe Heinkels that got shot down over London by the RAF and crashed into somebody’s house-sometimes with armed bombs aboard. Some of the worst damage of the blitz was done by crashing planes. But in wartime you accept those casualties. You have to. Here, on the other hand, that risk was unacceptable. Because we weren’t at war. Peace is hell, isn’t it?

Ryterband (E. M.)

Mrs. Ryterband, could you give us your full name, please?

My name is Ellen Marie Ryterband.

And your maiden name was Craycroft, is that right?

Yes, that’s correct, sir.

You married Charles Ryterband in March, nineteen forty-four?

In Cincinnati, yes, sir.

Now, your brother, Harold, had been in partnership with Charles Ryterband for some years before your marriage, isn’t that correct?

Yes, sir.

Can you tell us how the two men first met and became partners?

Yes, sir. My husband-Charles, that is; he wasn’t rny husband then, of course-Charles had been working for the Ryan company in San Diego, and in nineteen thirty-eight he took a new job with the Ford company, and they moved him to Michigan, and that’s how he met my brother.

Your brother and Charles Ryterband were both employed by Ford in the manufacture of Trimotor aircraft at the plant in Dearborn, Michigan. Can you tell me the circumstances of the first partnership between Mr. Ryterband and Mr. Craycroft?

Well, Charles and Harold became very friendly right away. They had very similar ideas, you see, about airplanes and engines and that sort of thing. Charles had been working at the Ryan company previously-I think I mentioned that, didn’t I?

Yes, you did.

Ryan was the company that built Lindbergh’s plane, you know. They were a small company, but they were very advanced. Charles always regretted having left them, you know. He had accepted the job offer at Ford because he felt that a larger company would offer greater facilities and opportunities for him to develop his ideas, which were rather revolutionary at the time. But he had a sad reawakening in Dearborn. He found Ford to be very stuffy, not at all interested in experimentation.

And your brother felt the same way?

Oh, my, yes. I remember very vividly the first time I ever met Charles. My brother brought him down to Cincinnati-it was one of the long weekends, Easter weekend…

This was in nineteen thirty-eight?

Yes, sir, nineteen thirty-eight. My sister Alice and her husband were still living near us in Cincinnati then. And our mother was still alive-she died in December that year. I was looking after her. I was twenty-four years old, and I suppose everyone assumed I’d grow old as a spinster lady. I taught school part time, and Saturday mornings I helped do the cataloguing at the Carnegie Library. But then Charles Ryterband came into my life. It was still the Depression then, you know. We had very little. Mostly we lived on the money Harold sent us. I had the two part-time jobs but I only earned about thirty-five dollars a week. Still, in those days you could make a dollar stretch a long way, couldn’t you?

Mrs. Ryterband, I wonder if we could jump ahead to the subject of the partnership between your brother and your husband-to-be?

I’m sorry, Mr. Skinner. I’m sixty years old and I do tend to ramble on. You’ll have to help keep me on the strait and narrow.

(Laughter) Yes, ma’am.

Well, they had been working together in the designing department at Dearborn. Charles had come to Ford in February, so they had been getting to know each other for about two months then. I’d had three or four letters from Harold, mentioning his new friend. Harold wasn’t a demonstrative person at all, you know, but he did write terribly good letters. Actually they were addressed to our mother, in those days, but of course my sister and I were always expected to read them, too.

Yes. Go on, please.

I’m sorry. To make a long story short, Mr. Skinner, the two of them had agreed very quickly that they were fed up with the restrictions under which they had to work. They had resolved together to quit their jobs at Ford. That was the main reason why Charles traveled down to Cincinnati on the train with my brother that weekend-they wanted to hatch their plans.

And what were those plans?

They wanted to go into business for themselves. They were brimming over with ideas for new airplanes and new engines.

They formed Crayband Motors then. Where did they raise the capital to start their company?

That was Charles’ doing. My brother was a shy man but Charles was very outgoing. He went out to California the very next week on the train, after he had quit his job at Ford. He visited his old friends at Ryan Aviation, and he went to see some of the other manufacturers out there as well. He had some of the drawings that he and my brother had been working on in Dearborn in the evenings and on the weekends. Some of the people he saw in California were very excited by their designs-as well they ought to be. When Charles returned from California he had orders in his pocket for three prototype engines. Then he and Harold were able to go to the bank and raise money on the strength of those commitments.

I see. So they started Crayband with a bank loan.

Yes, sir. They went right to work in Cincinnati. They hired three young men to help them-you could hire people for eight dollars a day then.

But the company failed, didn’t it?

That wasn’t their fault, Mr. Skinner. The only deliveries they were able to make were the two engines for Ryan. We hear so much about shortages today, but we seem to forget what things were like during the Great Depression. They simply couldn’t get delivery of the materials that they needed. The contracts they’d signed were penalty contracts and when they couldn’t You mean there were penalties if they didn’t deliver the completed engines on time?

Yes, sir. The payments were reduced if they were late. And after the original prototype contracts expired, they were at the mercy of the open-bidding system. To get a contract to supply engines they had to bid against other designers and manufacturers, and they weren’t willing to cut corners and cheapen their designs for the sake of money.

So they didn’t win any bids, is that it?

That’s what happened. They were making the best engines of their kind anywhere in the world. But the big companies didn’t care about that. All they cared about was shaving pennies.

Crayband folded around the end of nineteen thirty-eight, didn’t it?

Yes, sir. That was when our mother died, too. The two things were a great blow to Harold. He felt he had to get away. You could understand that. He was very sensitive. Most people have no idea what a sensitive man he was.

He joined the Balchen Expedition to Alaska and the North Pole, didn’t he?

Yes, but I don’t think his heart was in it. He quit the job before they left Point Barrow. After that he just sort of bummed around, you know. Working on bush planes, getting jobs wherever he could. He didn’t even write letters to me very often. He was quite at loose ends for a while. I don’t think he cared what happened to him.

But then he opened a workshop in Anchorage, didn’t he?

There was a bush pilot who had started a small air service with several planes and pilots. He had taken a liking to Harold, and of course he had recognized what a brilliant man Harold was with airplanes and engines. He lent Harold the money to open his own maintenance hangar there. His name was Chandler Reeves-a very fine man. He died in the war, flying cargo out into the Aleutians.

Mr. Ryterband joined your brother in that enterprise?

At the beginning of nineteen forty, yes, sir.

What had Mr. Ryterband been doing in the interim?

He’d had a job with the Martin Company over in Cleveland-they were developing a new bomber over there.

You saw him fairly regularly during that time?

My, yes. You see, Charles’ family was out in California. We were the only family he had in Ohio, my sister and brother-in-law and I. He’d come down to Cincinnati almost every weekend. He’d bought a secondhand Cord roadster and you used to see him cruising down the street hooting his horn every Saturday afternoon, waving to everybody on our street. He was so proud of that car. He loved to tinker with it.

You were still employed as a teacher and librarian in Cincinnati?

Yes, sir. I’d received a full-time teaching position in the grammar school in the fall of nineteen thirty-nine. I was making one hundred and fifteen dollars a month.

Had you and Mr. Ryterband made plans to marry at that time?

Well, don’t think we hadn’t discussed it, Mr. Skinner. But we weren’t officially engaged, or anything like that. We were both people who liked to take our time about things like that and make sure we were doing the right thing. I get so upset by the way young people today have to rush into Yes, ma’am. Now, in nineteen forty Charles Ryterband joined your brother in Anchorage.

I’m sorry. Yes, we had a letter from Harold telling us about his new business up there, and he invited Charles to come in with him. Charles jumped at the chance, of course. It was less than a week before he’d left his job at Martin and packed his suitcase and was off to wild Alaska-and in those days it was wild, believe you me. I remember Charles couldn’t bear to part with his Cord roadster. He could have sold it, you know, but he left it in my charge instead. I didn’t drive, of course, but we kept it in my yard and the children from the neighbors used to come over and polish it and keep it shiny clean for the day when Charles would come back for it.

The people there generally liked Mr. Ryterband, did they?

Oh, indeed, yes. Charles had a great deal of charm, you know. My sister used to say to him, “Charlie”-she called him that, I never did-”Charlie,” she’d say, “I swear you could charm the quills off a porcupine.” But I don’t mean to suggest for one minute that he was a slicker or anything like that.

No, ma’am. But he was popular and well-liked. I take it.

He certainly was. I counted myself very fortunate to have a beau like Charles. He was in his late twenties then, of course, and he’d come down the street in his open Cord roadster as dashing as you please. The young people admired him tremendously.

He worked in Anchorage with your brother until the beginning of the war, isn’t that right?

Yes. Then naturally the both of them went charging right off to enlist in the Army, right after Pearl Harbor. In Alaska at that time, of course, they weren’t sure but what the Japanese would invade Anchorage at any moment. It was much closer to Tokyo than any other American city, you know.

But Mr. Ryterband was rejected by the Army.

As a child he’d had rheumatic fever and very bad asthma. That was why his parents had moved to Southern California-for Charles’ health. By the time he grew up he wasn’t sickly at all, of course, he was the healthiest man I ever knew-never sick a day in his life. But of course he still had scars in him from the rheumatic fever and the Army wouldn’t accept him. Later on of course, in the last years of the war, they were accepting anybody who could walk into the recruiting office under his own power, but by that time Charles was doing very vital war work even though he was a civilian, and both he and the draft board felt the same way-that he was far more useful where he was than he’d have been in a uniform. Charles wasn’t a coward, Mr. Skinner, but he was a sensible man and he knew that foolish masculine pride wasn’t as important as doing your best in the job for which you’re best suited.

Yes, ma’am. Now, in nineteen forty-two Mr. Cray croft went off into the Army, but Mr. Ryterband remained in Anchorage and continued to operate their partnership.

That’s correct. Actually by about the middle of nineteen forty-two the company had become what I called a quasi-military organization. Charles wasn’t in the Army of course, but he was providing all manner of maintenance and invention services for the Air Corps units that were stationed in Alaska. We tend to forget there was a very hard-fought campaign that was waged up there during the war, under appalling conditions. The Japanese had invaded North American soil there, you know, and it was up to our men to throw them back into the sea. And I daresay Yes, quite. Mrs. Ryterband, you understand that the reason for my questions is to try to develop a picture of your brother and your husband-try to compose a sort of psychological portrait which may help us to understand how they came to do the things they did here in New York. Naturally this has to be rather painful for you, and we’re all deeply grateful that you agreed to give us your voluntary testimony in this matter. Now, I’d like to keep moving right ahead, if you don’t mind, and perhaps we could skip over some of the time periods. Your brother served in the Army Air Corps during the war, and I gather you didn’t see much of him…

Well, I saw him in nineteen forty-three, of course.

After the end of the campaign in the Aleutians?

Yes. He was transferred to an air base in Nebraska to train army air mechanics-the ground crews.

You still resided in Cincinnati then?

Yes, sir. My sister had gone to work in a war plant, but I was still teaching. We still had to educate our young people, you know, war or no war.

Do you think any important changes had taken place in your brother’s personality as a result of his experiences in the war in Alaska?

Well, I’d have to think… Yes, I think you could say he’d become more impatient.

In what ways?

Well, you’d have to have known him, really. You’d have to understand the way he was.

That’s what I’m trying to do, Mrs. Ryterband, and perhaps with your help we’ll be able to get closer to it.

Harold was always kind. He was thoughtful toward my sister and me. But he wasn’t the sort of man who ever brought little gifts for you or remembered your birthday. My goodness, he rarely remembered his own birthday. Things like that were of very little importance to him-none at all, in fact. My brother wasn’t given to ceremony. And he didn’t-oh, dear, it’s very difficult to explain just what I mean…

Take your time, Mrs. Ryterband.

Yes, sir, I’m trying my best.

You said he’d become impatient.

With people. He’d always been indifferent to people. Not unkind, you know. Not rude to them. But Harold wasn’t what you could call a social animal. I’d have to admit he was a single-minded man-very wrapped up in his work.

Obsessed with it, would you say?

To a point, yes. But not in a cruel way. I remember more than once in the shop in Cincinnati there’d be one of the young men they’d hired, one of the junior mechanics, who’d make some mistake, and Harold never got snappish with them. He wasn’t impatient with ignorance, you see. He’d explain very carefully to the young man what his mistake was, and why it was a mistake, and how it should have been done, and why. Harold would have made a marvelous shop teacher, I always thought.

Then what was the nature of this “impatience with people”?

I think after he’d been in the Army awhile he developed a great dislike of the men in authority. The brass hats. He resented being placed under the command of people who didn’t know half as much as he knew about airplanes.

That’s hardly an unusual situation in the military.

It isn’t unusual anywhere in life, Mr. Skinner. Harold had experienced similar frustrations when he’d worked at Ford. That was why he’d quit his job there. But during the war it was different, you see. He was trapped. He couldn’t very well quit his job, could he? And he didn’t want to turn his back on the boys who were flying his airplanes. Harold was as dedicated to wiping out tyranny as any American was, in the war. That was why he became so resentful-so impatient. Because we were at war, and he felt that the men in power were fools who were wasting many lives.

By “the men in power” do you mean his immediate superiors or the men who made the important strategic decisions?

His immediate superiors. No, Harold wasn’t an armchair strategist. He didn’t think in those terms, you see. He was a man who’d been given a job to do. What made him angry was that his superiors prevented him from doing that job.

Because of their stupidity.

Yes. I believe Harold developed an abiding hatred of authority during that time. He began to regard it as axiomatic that men in authority were incompetent.

I daresay if you used that as a guiding principle, you’d be right more often than wrong.

Yes, sir. Because men in positions of authority are usually men who have devoted their lives to the skills they need to acquire authority, rather than the skills of administration and technical competence.

That’s a rather keen observation, Mrs. Ryterband.

It was one of the things Harold used to say.

Then your brother did devote thought to things other than mechanics?

Well, he wasn’t a machine. He had a mind. A good mind. There were things he took very little interest in-politics, religion, social things-but that doesn’t mean he wasn’t aware of them.

Yes, ma’am. Now, your brother developed a large reputation during the latter part of the war in Europe, and after the war he and Mr. Ryterband set up a lightplane factory, isn’t that right?

It was in California. We moved to Palo Alto in November of nineteen forty-five. Charles and I had been married just a year.

What had your husband been doing, professionally, during that year?

Well, you see, the war effort had petered out in Alaska by the end of nineteen forty-three, and there wasn’t sufficient work to keep the company going in Anchorage. Charles had closed down the facility in the middle of nineteen forty-four and returned to Ohio. He was a very loyal American and he’d decided that he ought to offer his services to one of the aircraft companies for the duration of the war. He secured an important position with Northrop in Hawthorne, California. That was how we came to be in California-we moved out there right after the wedding. He worked mainly on the P-61 fighter, the Black Widow. But right after the war-in fact it was before the war actually ended-Northrop was given a government contract to develop the F-89, the Scorpion. It was the first all-weather jet fighter. It used Allison jet engines, and my husband was not interested in those, so we left Hawthorne in November and joined my brother up in Palo Alto.

It strikes me as a bit odd that both your husband and Mr. Craycroft had such an abiding dislike of jet-powered planes. Most scientists and engineers are avidly devoted to the idea of progress, and the advent of the jet certainly would have to be called progress, wouldn’t it?

It was rather like a religion with them, Mr. Skinner. As if they were Jews and a Christian missionary had tried to sell them on a new religion. I don’t think I can explain it more clearly than that.

I see. Well, in any case this lightplane factory in Palo Alto…

Alpine Aircraft Company.

Yes. It produced highly advanced planes, but it was out of business by the beginning of nineteen forty-eight. How did that happen?

We were victimized by exploitive businessmen. The men who invested the capital to build the company were making these investments for tax purposes, as we learned later. They needed losses. They actually couldn’t afford for the company to make a profit. Can you believe that?

Very easily. It’s not unique by any means. Now, from nineteen forty-eight until nineteen fifty-three, your husband and your brother went separate ways, is that correct?

Yes, sir. My husband was with Lockheed. He worked mainly on improvements in the mechanical components of the Constellation. The company was making two jet fighters at the same time-the F-80 and the F-94-but Charles had nothing to do with those. We lived in Burbank, near the plant. In the meantime my brother returned to Alaska and worked for the airline there-in Anchorage and sometimes in Seattle-until the Reds invaded South Korea. He was called up and went to Japan. During the Korean War my husband, in the meantime, left Lockheed and we moved a few blocks to a new apartment in Sherman Oaks. We both went to work for the Knute Special Effects Company. I worked in the office there. In fact, I kept my job there even after Harold and Charles set up their own company to restore airplanes for the movies.

That was ACA-Air Corps Associates?

That’s right. They started the company in nineteen fifty-four. It became one of the most successful aircraft companies in the world.

It lasted some fifteen years?

Mr. Skinner, the company still exists and is still an important company. It was founded by my brother and my husband.

Yes, ma’am. But they were frozen out of it in nineteen sixty-nine?

Yes. They were victimized by greedy businessmen, once again.

Well, as I understand it, there was a dispute about moving into the jet market. Didn’t that have something to do with it?

Yes, sir.

All right, Mrs. Ryterband. I certainly don’t want to open up old wounds of that kind.

I had expected this meeting to be much more painful than you’ve made it, Mr. Skinner. I do appreciate your kindness-you’ve been very gentle.

Well, I’m afraid the painful part is yet to come. Now, at the beginning of nineteen seventy the three of you moved back here to New York-actually to Long Island. Both your husband and your brother joined the staff of Aeroflight Incorporated, a company owned by Samuel Spaulding. Is that substantially correct?

Yes, sir. Sam Spaulding was an old friend of Harold’s from the war days. Quite honestly, he worshiped Harold.

So I understand. But there really wasn’t too much for Mr. Craycroft or Mr. Ryterband to do there, was there? They regarded themselves as superfluous much of the time, I’m told. This must have chafed them, didn’t it?

They kept busy, I can assure you. But it’s true they sometimes felt they’d been shunted onto the sidelines. My husband made several forays outside the company, looking for something more suitable.

I wasn’t aware of that.

Oh, my, yes. We visited Beechcraft, Cessna, Ryan, and the Hiller Company. He even went to Canada to be interviewed by an odd little company in Saskatchewan that is building working replicas of the old Ford Trimotors. Did you know that’s still the most efficient airplane of its kind? For its weight and capacity it’s still a good economical craft. That’s why they’re making them again. Harold and Charles contributed a great deal to the design of that plane, you know-back in the thirties.

Yes, ma’am. But I take it none of these job interviews panned out?

Until just a very few years ago, Mr. Skinner, the aviation industry was still in the hands of the giants. The pioneers. They were old men, but honorable and highly creative. But today there’s a new generation. Money men, businessmen. As they’re fond of saying, the accent is on youth. By nineteen seventy my husband was fifty-eight years of age. To put it bluntly he was too old. Too old! Good Lord, sir, Henry Ford was still active in his seventies!

Yes, ma’am. Now, in June of last year Samuel Spaulding died, and control of Aeroflight passed to your husband and your brother?

In a manner of speaking.

In a manner of speaking? Could you explain what you mean by that?

They weren’t free to operate the company according to their own judgment, Mr. Skinner. If they had been, I’m sure the company wouldn’t have failed. But they had the lawyers breathing down their necks. The executors looking over their shoulders. The stockholders and directors carping at them incessantly-actually filing applications for court orders to inhibit our plans for the company.

Still, Mr. Ryterband and Mr. Craycroft had a proxy from Mrs. Spaulding to vote her controlling stock in the company, didn’t they?

Only in theory. Only on paper. Every time they tried to put a policy into practice, the minority stockholders would go into court. Several times they obtained restraining orders to prevent us from making vitally necessary moves while they pressed in court for a declaration that Mrs. Spaulding was legally incompetent. They never succeeded with that perfidy, of course, but their delaying tactics ruined the company. They all blame Harold and Charles for it, but the truth is they’ve only themselves to blame. They were greedy, shortsighted, and vicious.

Nevertheless, the company went bankrupt. A Chapter Eleven was filed in December of last year, isn’t that the case?

There was no choice. The stockholders were stupid people, Mr. Skinner. They knew next to nothing about the aircraft business. They were Wall Street businessmen who had bought the stock over the counter and suddenly began to regard themselves as aviation experts. Their folly was abetted by the New York State courts, which we all know are among the most corrupt and stupid courts in the world.

Was that how Mr. Craycroft and Mr. Ryterband felt about it?

What do you mean?

Did they blame the failure entirely on the judges and the Wall Street investors?

New York City is a pesthole of evil, Mr. Skinner.

Aeroflight was a sound company until the New York businessmen bought into it. Naturally we blamed it on them-the businessmen and their robed henchmen on the judges’ benches.

That’s a bit melodramatic.

The truth sometimes is.

Yes, ma’am, I suppose it is. One could hardly quarrel with that, in the light of what’s happened subsequently.

In Washington.

Yes, and right here in New York. I’m referring to the incident with your brother’s bomber.

I’ve been waiting for us to get to that, Mr. Skinner. I’m completely prepared to discuss it with you. You needn’t wear kid gloves. I want to bring it out in the open-I want to try and make you understand it.

I appreciate how painful it must be for you, Mrs. Ryterband.

Thank you. And I appreciate your gallantry. There’s so little of it in the world anymore. Good manners cost nothing, yet so few people seem to be able to afford them nowadays.

Well, I think we both understand that this isn’t a criminal hearing, Mrs. Ryterband. Nobody is being accused of anything, not formally. Our sole purpose is to ascertain the truth. Therefore, you can see it wouldn’t serve any purpose for me to be ill-mannered.

You’re very modest, Mr. Skinner. But I don’t believe you’re being kind out of ulterior motives. You’re a gentleman at heart. I can always tell.

Well, thank you. But I’m afraid these next questions are going to be painful, no matter how gently I may word them.

You just go ahead and ask them. I’m a strong woman. I come from strong stock.

Very well. Now can you tell me if you had advance knowledge of their plans?

The scheme to get the money, you mean. Yes, they discussed it in my presence. But you must understand they were both dreamers. Particularly my brother Harold. He was always soaring on flights of fancy. I had no way of knowing they would actually put this one into practice. If I had known that in advance, I’m not sure what I’d have done, but I might have informed the authorities. I don’t say I would have, mind you. But I might have. I’ve asked myself what I would have done. But the truth is I just don’t know. I owed them both my loyalty. But, in spite of the provocations that drove them to it, it was unquestionably a terrible act. An immoral act, a criminal act. A terrible thing. But it’s so easy and cheap to evaluate these things in hindsight.

Yes, ma’am. At what point in time did you first hear them discuss this plan?

It must have been January.

Of this year?

Yes, of course.

That was just after the company went on the rocks.

It was just after the company was driven onto the rocks, Mr. Skinner. There’s an important distinction.

I understand. Go on, please.

They were bitter. There’s no denying it. Our whole lifetimes brought to this point-the injustice of it. I’m sure you can see how that could affect anyone. Anyone at all. Much lesser men than Harold or Charles.

They felt betrayed?

Betrayed, angry, bitter, exhausted. There are so many words to describe it. But none really expresses how they felt-how the three of us felt, really. I worked in the office at Aeroflight myself, you know. I was a member of the team right alongside them, shoulder-to-shoulder with them. I’d seen it through with them. They’d been such gentle beings all their lives, can you understand that? And here time and time again the callous petty criminals of this world had destroyed all the things we’d worked for. Not our personal fortunes or possessions-we didn’t care about those. But out of their unfeeling greed the businessmen had literally broken Harold and Charles. In his way Harold, particularly, was a very proud man. You must understand that.

Proud of his engineering talents, you mean?

Proud of himself, as an important pioneer in the field of endeavor which he championed.

I see.

Don’t misunderstand me, Mr. Skinner. Harold didn’t want to lord it over anyone. He had no interest in usurping power over people. I sometimes thought that was his biggest mistake. He always complained that people in authority were incompetent to administer. But Harold never took the time to exercise authority himself, even when he had it. That was his primary weakness, I believe. By default he had made it possible-made it easy for the businessmen to destroy his life. But that certainly doesn’t absolve them from any responsibility for having destroyed him. He may have made himself vulnerable-but they were the ones who exploited his vulnerability.

Go on, please.

Time after time our dreams had been crushed by men with money. Men to whom money and power were synonymous. Harold and Charles wanted very little, really. All they wanted was the freedom to work. Inevitably, it seemed, that freedomlvas denied them. By incompetent superiors at first. That taught them they had to have their own company-their own workshop in which they could develop their own inventions without interference from bosses. But unless you’re very rich, you can’t establish your own company without outside investment capital. And as soon as you solicit capital, you have to contend with ignorant greedy investors.

Stockholders.

Exactly. No matter what we did, we were at the mercy of men with money. And men with money are men who will ruin you every time, without an ounce of feeling.

Well, that depends on whether they think you’re doing a profitable job for them with their money, doesn’t it? In any case, I gather what you’re saying is that your brother and Mr. Ryterband began to feel that they could obtain the freedom to work only by amassing a considerable fortune of their own, so that they wouldn’t be at the mercy of outside investors?

You put it very well, Mr. Skinner. That was exactly what they had in mind. They wanted money, because after all their experiences they had learned that in this world there is no other freedom. Not if you’re dedicated to a kind of work that requires expensive machinery.

So they decided to steal the money.

It wasn’t an out-and-out decision, Mr. Skinner. They dreamed aloud. To me that was all it was, until after it actually happened. I had no idea they would actually do it.

Weren’t you aware of the reconversion work your brother was doing on that old bomber? The work must have taken them months, if it was only the two of them.

You can believe this or not, as you please, Mr. Skinner, but not only was I completely unaware of it-my husband was equally unaware of it. Harold rebuilt that bomber completely by himself, with his own two hands. It was his secret until the very end.

Are you sure your husband didn’t know about it? Couldn ‘t he have been keeping it from you?

I’m quite sure. My husband never kept things from me.

I see. Then in fact Mr. Ryterband wasn’t let in on the plan until the last minute?

We were all let in on the plan very early, Mr. Skinner. But it wasn’t a plan then, don’t you see? It was a dream. A fantasy. It was as if they were composing the scenario for a movie. We played at it as if it were a game. “Wouldn’t it be fitting if we could get the money from the businessmen? They owe it to us.” It was that sort of thing, do you see?

Like children hatching diabolical plots against grownups whom they don’t like. The sort of plots that are worked out in great detail, but which everyone knows will never be acted upon.

Yes. You do understand. I knew you would. Don’t you see, children’s fantasies are like that-they can afford to be cruel because it’s all only imaginary. I know I for one indulged avidly in the fantasy. We would sit around gleefully imagining the consternation of those fat men in New York, pouring their perspiration out while a bomber circled overhead threatening to destroy them at any moment, and powerless to do anything about it at all! It sounds such a terrible confession to make, but can you believe we all sat around and laughed, just thinking about the expressions on their faces?

Yes, I can see that. It was a game of make-believe.

Oh, my, exactly, yes! You do see-you really do.

Yes, ma’am. I think so. Now, how did this scheme take shape, do you recall? I mean, how did the details develop in your minds?

I’m afraid it’s rather confused in my memory. You don’t hatch a make-believe fantasy full-blown. It grows, rather like a pearl-layer by layer. Detail by detail.

There must have been a kernel. An idea that triggered it.

Well, it must have been the idea-Harold’s idea-that there ought to be a way to get our money by using our own old airplanes. The very airplanes the businessmen had sneered at, as obsolete and useless. It was the attraction of that irony, I think.

And perhaps the idea of proving that a thirty-year-old Flying Fortress wasn’t quite as “useless” as the world thought?

Yes. That’s it.

I think I have a general picture of the origins of the scheme, Mrs. Ryterband. I wonder if we could shift our discussion to some concrete details. There are questions to which we still don’t have answers, and maybe you can help us there.

I’ll be happy to try.

Thank you. One thing that’s troubled us is the bombs your brother had in the airplane. They were real bombs, of course. But the question is, where did he get them?

He bought them. From the Air Force.

Openly?

My, yes. At one of the surplus auctions. Several years ago, actually. Of course he didn’t buy them originally to use them as bombs.

I beg your pardon. What else could they be used for?

Why, scrap metal of course. The Air Force certainly isn’t about to sell real bombs to civilians.

I’m sorry. I’m confused.

The bombs were five-hundred-pound bomb casings, Mr. Skinner. The explosives had been removed, of course. They were simply empty casings. The Air Force sold them for scrap metal. Harold and Charles were always buying scrap metal, by the ton. Those old bomb casings were a good deal less expensive than new steel from a factory.

I’m beginning to clear it up in my mind, Mrs. Ryterband, but I still don’t understand how he obtained the explosives that he put in the bomb casings. I assume that’s what he did?

For anyone who works in industry explosives aren’t that difficult to obtain, Mr. Skinner. I have no idea exactly where or when Harold bought the explosives he packed into these particular bombs. But it should be possible for you to find out. I’m sure he bought it on the open market somewhere and made up a story about demolishing buildings or blasting out a new runway. He was known in the industry. No one would think twice about selling explosives to Harold. Now, as for the detonating devices and the other mechanical parts of the bombs, I’m sure he built those himself, either from the original specifications or from designs of his own. Such work would have been child’s play to Harold.

Yes, I’ve come to understand that much. Now there’s one further question I’d like to put to you. We know, of course, that they must have worked out a highly ingenious escape plan. I think it’s obvious, however, that we still don’t know exactly what that plan consisted of. I’m hoping that this part of the plan was discussed in your presence, as part of the make-believe you all participated in. Was it?

Well, of course. That was crucial to the game, wasn’t it? I mean, there was no point making a plan to steal all that money if you couldn’t get away with it afterward.

Yes, ma’am. Could you tell me the details of that plan?

You don’t have to lean forward so intensely, Mr. Skinner. I never mutter. Do you find it hard to hear me?

Not at all.

That’s better. Now you just sit back in that comfortable chair and I’ll tell you about the escape plan. It really was quite a marvelous scheme. We all contributed to it. I was very happy that my own ideas fitted in so well.

Which ideas were those?

Well, the idea of the window, of course, and the boat.

Perhaps you’d better describe it from the beginning.

Well, now. Let me think. The first problem was to pick a day that would give us the best weather for it.

Partial clouds?

That and the probability of low mist over Long Island Sound. In any case we decided that of course we’d have to wait for a day when those conditions applied.

Isn’t it the case, however, that your husband made an appointment with Mr. Maitland, the banker, two days beforehand?

My husband didn’t make that appointment, Mr. Skinner.

Then who did?

My brother, I’m sure. I don’t know who else could have. But Charles didn’t even know about the scheme until the very morning they put it into effect.

How can you be sure of that?

Because I slept in the same room with Charles that night. In the same bed. If he’d known they were actually going to do this thing that day, don’t you think I’d have known it? Don’t you think at least he’d have been nervous?

He wasn’t nervous at all?

We’d all been a little nervous for months. We were upset by our-our plight, there’s no other word for it, really. But Charles was no more upset or nervous that night than at any other time in the preceding several months. We both slept very well, thank you. In the morning-about half past six-the phone rang, and it was Harold calling from the factory. He wanted to talk to Charles. I put Charles on the line, and I got off. Charles talked to Harold briefly and then told me he had to go out-Harold wanted to see him over at the plant. Charles left the house at about a quarter to seven, and that was the last time I saw him.

Did he seem particularly agitated when he went out?

No. I’m sure Harold didn’t spring it on him until he arrived at the factory. You see, Harold would have done it that way. He’d have known that Charles wouldn’t have gone along with it if he’d had time to think it over. He must have presented it to Charles as a fait accompli. Told him, “You have an appointment at ten o’clock with the banker, Maitland. You’ll have to get right in the car and go.”

And your husband would have gone? Just like that?

Well, we’d been discussing the plan every day for months. We’d rehearsed it in our talks, endlessly. The only thing we didn’t know was that it was real. That Harold had actually rebuilt the bomber and armed it with bombs.

Can we get back to the escape plan, please?

Certainly. We’d worked out the timing very carefully, taking everything into account. Everything. The plane was a B-17C, the long-range model, it could stay airborne at low speeds for up to eleven hours without running out of fuel. It would take off at ten o’clock precisely and arrive over Manhattan within the half hour. There was fuel enough to keep it in the air until nine o’clock that night.

The deadline given by your husband was three o’clock.

That was for the payment of the money. The deadline for the bombs was ten minutes past five.

That gave us a good margin of fuel-nearly four hours.

Go on, please.

Well, around three o’clock Charles would signal Harold by radio that the money had been delivered to his car. Then Charles would drive away with the money while Harold continued to circle over the city to give Charles time to get away with the money.

We know that much. Where did he plan to get away to?

The route was very carefully planned. Charles would cross the Williamsburg Bridge and take the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway to the Long Island Expressway and then drive east on Long Island to Route One Oh One, where he would turn south into the Williston Park area and allow himself thirty minutes to lose his pursuit. We assumed he would be followed, you see, in spite of our instructions, and we had studied methods of “shaking a tail,” as they call it. Naturally we realized there was no way to elude the pursuit permanently on the highways, but all we really needed was a few minutes’ invisibility. For Charles, that is. We’d done a good bit of reading-detective novels, mainly. Some of them are quite ingenious, you know. I’ve been addicted to Rex Stout and John D. MacDonald for many years. I was able to find passages in their books which gave us excellent techniques for escaping pursuit by the police or anyone else.

Remarkable.

How’s that?

Nothing, Mrs. Ryterband. Do go on.

Having eluded the police, Charles was to drive his car into a certain two-car garage. Naturally we hadn’t actually gone to Williston Park to select such a garage, but I have to assume that my brother actually did so at some point, without telling us. That morning he must have given Charles the address of the garage. There are a good number of householders in those areas who have garages but don’t have cars of their own, and who therefore rent out their garages to people who want to secure their own cars off the street. We’d talked about renting one of those garages.

So we can assume that’s what Mr. Craycroft actually did.

I’m sure you can, yes. In any case there was to be a second car waiting in that garage. There were to be watertight duffel bags in the second car. As soon as Charles arrived in the garage, he was to transfer the money out of whatever containers it was in, and repack the money into the waterproof bags. This was partly to protect the money, but it was also because we’d read about cases-kidnapping and that sort of crimes-where the police had actually hidden small transmitters in the suitcases that contained the ransom money, so that they could follow the suitcases by radio direction finders.

You’d thought of everything, then.

My, yes. Don’t forget we’d been indulging ourselves with this game for months.

Yes, of course. Well, go on, if you don’t mind.

Yes. Leaving the original suitcases-empty of course-in the original “getaway car,” and transferring the money itself into duffel bags in the second car, Charles would then drive north on Route One Oh One to Port Washington, where the plan called for a rented fishing boat to be waiting at a particular\ dock. Again of course we hadn’t actually rented any boat or tied it up at any real dock. But again we’ve got to assume Harold did these things in secret.

Yes. I see.

The boat had to meet certain requirements. It had to have both sailing masts and fairly powerful engines. To increase its possible range of operation, you see. It didn’t have to be particularly fast, because we weren’t expecting to have to outrun anyone in it, but it did have to be seaworthy in terms of the open ocean, and it had to be fairly small and simple to operate because Harold was never interested in sailing, and that would leave most of the operation of the boat up to Charles and myself. Charles became an accomplished sailor, of course, during his days in Alaska and on the California coast. Until last year, in fact, we had our own twenty-four-footer on Long Island, but we were forced to sell it.

I see. This boat was to have been rented and tied up at a dock in Hempstead Harbor, was it? And Mr. Ryterband would take the money aboard the boat?

Yes. According to our plan it would then be nearly five o’clock, allowing for the time taken by traffic en route and the time used in evading pursuit and changing cars. So Charles would actually be on board the boat at some time between four thirty and four fifty. He would cast off and make for Long Island Sound under engine power, and as soon as he was out of Hempstead Harbor, he would put up sail if the wind was with him. Otherwise he’d use engine power; there wouldn’t be time for tacking against the wind.

I see. Were you supposed to be on board with him?

According to the make-believe plan, yes, I was. As it actually turned out I didn’t even know they were putting the plan into action, so of course I had no idea there was a real boat, let alone that I should be there aboard it. I believe I know what actually happened in their minds, however.

Yes?

It was a perilous voyage they had in mind. I believe Harold intended from the beginning to leave me behind until they had reached their final destination. Then, I think, he hoped that he and Charles would be able to get a secret message to me, and that I would be able to join them.

All right. Let’s leave that subject for the moment and get back to their escape plan. You’ve placed Mr. Ryterband, with the money, aboard this boat in Long Island Sound. Now, what is Mr. Craycroft’s part in it? How do the two men make a rendezvous?

We had worked out the exact compass coordinates on the charts. At five ten-a bit more than two hours after the money was paid-Harold would discontinue circling over Manhattan Island. He would cross the East River above the Manhattan and Brooklyn Bridges as if he were going to make another circuit in his pattern, but once over Brooklyn he would continue to fly east and then northeast across the heavily populated areas of Long Island.

The idea being that there would be no point along his route where he could be shot down without risking the destruction of a populated area?

Yes. Exactly.

And then?

You have to understand that we’d made certain assumptions about the way the authorities would react to all this. If we were wrong, of course, it didn’t matter, but if we were right we had to be prepared for their countermeasures.

Can you explain that a bit more, please?

We expected the Air Force or the Navy to have armed planes in the air, ready to shoot Harold down at the first opportunity. If they didn’t put up such planes, of course, it simply made our scheme easier to carry out. But we had to assume they would have planes up.

I see.

That was why we’d decided that the key to the plan was to pick a day when there would be clouds over, Long Island Sound. And a degree of mist on the water.

Go on, please.

Flying eastward-northeastward-across Long Island, Harold would seek these clouds. He had an unlimited number of places to go into the clouds-he could do that at any point where the clouds overhung both the shore and the waters of the sound. The point was he had to leave land behind at a point where he wasn’t visible.

What about radar? Pursuit planes would be tracking on radar, wouldn’t they?

That was what the window was for.

You mentioned a window before. I confess it baffles me.

“Window” is a word used by air people to describe strips of aluminum foil which are dropped from an airplane to confuse radar. I have no idea what the derivation of the word is. But in any case our plan called for bundles of foil to be secured in the spare bomb racks of the airplane so that they could be released by my brother the moment he flew into the concealment of clouds above Long Island Sound. This wouldn’t prevent them from following him, of course, but it would prevent them from getting an accurate enough fix on him to shoot him down immediately. All he needed was a few minutes. In any case we assumed by this point that the pursuit wouldn’t be eager to shoot him down. Their objective would be simply to follow him, see where he landed the plane, and then arrest him on the ground. Once he’d flown away from the populated areas he was no longer a threat to them, you see? So we assumed they wouldn’t shoot him-just track him.

I don’t see how that helped your plans to get away.

Well, we were perfectly willing to have them follow the Flying Fortress. That was a diversion, you see.

A diversion?

That was why we needed the cloud cover. As soon as he was concealed inside a bank of cloud above the waters of the sound, Harold was to drop an inflatable emergency raft out of the plane, and then he was to jump out of the airplane and parachute into the water. The strips of window would confuse the radar of pursuing planes, and they wouldn’t know he had jumped out of the plane. Naturally they would think he was still flying it. The plane would be set on automatic pilot, and would continue to fly a northeasterly course out over the Atlantic Ocean until ultimately it would run out of fuel and crash in the ocean. That wouldn’t happen until more than three hours later, of course, which gave us at least three hours before any suspicions could be raised.

Remarkable.

Yes, it was really very ingenious, I think. Harold would parachute into the water, climb into the rubber life raft and paddle to the rendezvous on the middle of the sound, where he would meet our fishing boat and climb aboard. We hoped to have a ground mist to at least partly conceal this part of the plan, but it wasn’t absolutely essential; the only vital part of the weather requirement was that he had to bail out in clouds, so that he couldn’t be seen when he left the airplane.

The boat would then take them where?

By stages down the coast to Florida and then ultimately to Mexico, where we understood it was possible to obtain new false papers for a price.

And then?

To South Africa, where we intended to set ourselves up in the aircraft business under new names.

It was an incredible plan, Mrs. Ryterband. There’s one detail that puzzles me just a little. If Mr. Craycroft phoned the bank on Monday, how did he know the weather conditions on Wednesday would be suitable?

I can only imagine that he had studied the extended forecast, which as I recall called for partly cloudy conditions throughout most of that week. If the weather had not obliged-if there’d been an important change by Wednesday morning-I’m sure he’d simply have called the bank, canceled the appointment and waited for another opportunity.

Was the Merchants Trust Bank a particular target for any special reason?

No. Any of the major banks would have done as well. We chose the Merchants Trust mainly because it wasn’t too far from the lower East Side Highway, which meant that Charles wouldn’t have far to drive before he could get across the bridge into Brooklyn and away on the expressway.

Did it occur to any of you how bulky five million dollars in cash would be?

We worked it out very carefully, Mr. Skinner. Assuming there would be a random selection of bills in denominations from one hundred dollars down to ten dollars, we calculated a total of approximately thirty-five thousand bank notes. They would be used bills-we specified that. We actually went to the bank and cashed a check for two hundred dollars and changed it into one-dollar bills. Then we weighed the two hundred bills on a postal scale. It was almost exactly eight ounces-half a pound. I’m not sure our scale was exactly accurate-it was quite old-but at least it gave us a working figure. Four hundred bills to the pound. That meant the total would weigh about ninety pounds. Not more than one hundred pounds, in any case. Wrapped in banded stacks of five hundred bills each-about two inches thick, each stack-we calculated seventy stacks. You could fit it all into one large suitcase or two ordinary suitcases. Charles was always a big man, powerful in build-he never went to fat. It was no great effort for him to carry two fifty-pound suitcases, one in either hand. We even tried it, with suitcases filled with books from my library shelves.

Extraordinary.

You needn’t be so surprised, Mr. Skinner. We thought of everything. Everything.

Maitland (Cont’d)

There’s a point of confusion you may be able to help us clear up.

I’ll be glad to if I can.

Who suggested that you get the money up?

(Laughter) Everybody did.

No, I mean, who suggested it first?

I don’t really remember, Mr. Skinner. I do know this much. Everybody was suggesting it. I was the one who had already done something about it.

At what time?

Starting at, oh, I’d say about eleven o’clock. Ira Rabinowitz-my security chief-was in the office, and he was on one line talking to the police. I was on the other line to one of the executive vice-presidents, Mr. Prince, asking him to find out what our cash availability situation was. I told him we had to raise the money. I think he’ll confirm that for you, if there’s any question of it. While I was on the interphone with Prince, two police officers came into the office Patrolmen Weinstein and Criscola?

I suppose so. I didn’t get their names, or didn’t remember them. They were in uniform.

Police records show they arrived in your office at ten fifty-seven.

Then that’s when I was talking to Prince.

I see. Then in your own mind you had decided almost instantly that you were going to pay the ransom?

Mr. Skinner, that man was right in front of me in my office. Willard Roberts, Ryterband, whatever his name was. I’d seen his eyes, heard his voice. And I had seen that plane from my window. There wasn’t the slightest doubt in my mind that he meant what he was saying. He had me cold. I was under duress. No man in my position could even think about risking the lives of thousands of innocent people for the sake of an armload of paper money.

But it must have occurred to you that they might have been bluffing. That perhaps the bombs weren’t real-or that perhaps they didn’t intend to use them, regardless.

It crossed my, mind. But it wasn’t a chance I was about to take. Hell, Mr. Skinner, if I’d taken a chance like that I’d have been a pariah for life-whether I’d been right or wrong. No. I had no choice. No choice at all.

It has been suggested that you weren’t committing your own money. That the money belonged to the bank-its depositors and stockholders and the like.

I’m being rather patient about this, I think, Mr. Skinner, but I don’t really think that sort of petty accusation deserves to be dignified by an answer.

Of course. You had both the responsibility and the authority, as chief executive officer of the bank.

Yes.

And, of course, the money was insured.

There seems to be some dispute whether it was insured against this type of crime.

Oh?

I’m sure we’ll iron out those definitions to our satisfaction. There isn’t an insurance company in the world that won’t try to renege if they think they can get away with it. They couldn’t make it stick, of course, but it is the sort of fine print that makes it possible for insurance companies to drag their heels and delay payments. Time is money, of course-the more an insurance company can delay paying, the less it costs them to pay. Aren’t we getting off the track?

Yes, I suppose we are. Let’s return to the decision you had made, to raise the money.

May I offer a comment on that?

Certainly.

I made two decisions, actually. One was to raise the money, if at all possible in the time allowed us. The second decision, of course, was to pay the ransom. The two were separate.

I understand that…

The point is we had some small reason to hope that the authorities would find some method of dealing with the threat. I tried to give them full cooperation, of course. If there was any chance of forestalling the threat, it would make it unnecessary for us to actually pay the ransom. But I had to try to raise the money anyway. You see that.

Of course. Now you spoke with your executive vice-president, Mr. Prince, at a few minutes before eleven. What was the result of that conversation?

Mr. Prince told me he’d get back to me as soon as he’d found out our cash-on-hand situation.

And he did so?

Of course. He called me back and informed me that At what time did he call you back?

Around eleven twenty, I suppose. There were several police officers in the office by then, interrogating Ryterband and tying up my phones a good part of the time.

And what did Mr. Prince say?

He said there wasn’t a chance of getting that much cash together within the time limit from our own resources. We have more than forty branch offices and they’re located throughout the metropolitan area. Given enough time we might have been able to do it, but the deadline made it logistically impossible.

What did you do then?

I immediately called our chief cashier, Mr. Valkenburg, and explained the problem to him. I suggested several possibilities.

Could you give me an example or two?

Well, we could have called all the various banks in the Wall Street area, for example. Made up a consortium, got contributions from a lot of different banks. Or we could call the Federal Reserve. Or we could In the end that’s what Mr. Valkenburg did, isn’t it? Called the Federal Reserve?

Yes. That was his decision. I left it up to him. Emmett Valkenburg has one of the keenest minds in this business. He thinks fast, he’s decisive, he’s a go-getter.

He’s also got a rather sharp sense of humor, I’ve been told.

Have you met him yet?

No. We’ve scheduled an interview for later this week.

You’ll enjoy meeting him. He’ll leaven your proceedings, I can promise you that.

You left the implementation of the decision up to him?

Yes. I’ve found the single secret of administration is to hire the best people you can get and then rely on them. I relied on Emmett Valkenburg to find the fastest method of raising the money. I don’t think my judgment was misplaced.

Eastlake

Your name, please?

David Eastlake.

Your title and position, Mr. Eastlake?

I’m the assistant director of the Federal Reserve Bank for the New York district.

Then you’re the chief operating executive officer of the New York Federal Reserve Bank?

That’s right, yes, sir.

Have you prepared a statement for this inquiry?

No, sir. I wasn’t aware one was required.

We have no requirements, Mr. Eastlake. Some of the witnesses have prepared statements and some haven’t. Now, with reference to the Craycroft case, I wonder, could you give us the time and circumstances of your first participation?

I had a call from the disposal office at approximately half past twelve On May twenty-second?

Yes. They’d had a call from the Merchants Trust. They wanted five million in cash, and the story was they had to have it by three o’clock or those madmen would blow up the city.

“The story was.” Didn’t you believe it?

I suppose I took a little convincing. It was a little farfetched.

This was at about twelve thirty?

I don’t keep time-clock records of incoming calls, but it was around that time, yes.

What did you do?

I tried to put through a call to the president of Merchants Trust.

Mr. Maitland.

That’s right. But he was unavailable. At first my secretary was told he was in conference. I told her to place the call again and tell them it was an emergency. She did so, and she was told By Mr. Maitland’s secretary?

I guess so. She was told he had an emergency himself. I had to tell her to place the call a third time and explain to the damn fools that their emergency was our emergency. They were the ones who had called us in the first place.

And did you finally get through to Paul Maitland?

Eventually.

What time was that?

I don’t know. It may have been a quarter to one, ten to one, by that time.

What was said between you and Mr. Maitland?

I couldn’t give you a verbatim account of that. I don’t have that kind of memory. And anyhow there was an incredible amount of noise. He sounded as if he had fifty people crowded into his office and all of them trying to talk at once. I had trouble hearing him. I could imagine the trouble he must have had hearing me.

What was the gist of the conversation?

I guess the first thing I asked him was whether this wild story was true. He confirmed it. I think he asked me whether Emmett Valkenburg had called me, and I said, no, it had been somebody in my own bank, and we must have wasted a few minutes asking each other to repeat everything so that we could hear each other. I was shouting into the phone and so was he. Finally he said he was between a rock and a hard place. He said he had a lunatic up there and another lunatic in an airplane. If he didn’t come up with the money, they were threatening to bomb New York. He didn’t have the money, and he wanted us to send it up.

What was your reply to that request?

I had no authority to release five million dollars to anyone. I told him that.

Was that all that was said?

Of course not. He pleaded with me. Then he called me names. It was understandable, under the circumstances. I didn’t get angry with him. He simply didn’t understand my position. My hands were tied.

There’s no provision for emergencies in your directives from Washington?

No emergency like this ever came up before. How could anyone have foreseen something like this?

Was anything else said during that conversation?

Maitland was fit to be tied. You couldn’t blame him. He kept pleading with me. I said I’d telephone Washington and do everything I could to get the money released.

And did you call Washington?

Of course. Immediately.

What was the result of that call?

Nothing. They were out to lunch.

O’Brien (Cont’d)

Sergeant, at what time did it become evident to you that there was a good chance the bank might not be able to raise the money in time, despite its best efforts to do so?

Pretty early, sir. We could all see that. It was a hell of a lot of money to get up in a couple of hours. Money doesn’t have habit of moving fast, not unless it’s crime money.

When we were setting up this commission, the Mayor threw out the suggestion that Craycroft and Ryterband must have realized that.

Yes, sir. I think a lot of us thought about that at the time.

Did it lead you to a particular conclusion?

I wouldn’t call it a conclusion. It wasn’t definite.

A speculation, then.

(Laughter) Sir, you don’t have any idea how many times I’ve been stopped dead in court by a lawyer who jumps up and yells an objection about “speculation on the part of the witness.”

We’re not in court, Sergeant. I’d appreciate having your views.

Well, sir, I was talking with Jack Harris-you know, the reporter who was up there with his television film. I know Harris for a long time. He’s a real reporter, one of the good guys. He talks, you pay attention. Now there’s a big crowd of us in the room there, and after Captain Grofeld got there and the FBI was swarming all over Ryterband, there wasn’t a hell of a lot for me to do there. I was over by the window with Harris, we were watching the damned B-17 circle over. We got to talking. You know how it is.

Yes.

Well, they’d worked this caper out in fantastic detail, you know. We could see that right away. They weren’t just bumbling around. They’d figured just about everything. They weren’t dumb.

And?

It was kind of hard to believe that anybody who’d gone to all that trouble would forget an item as important as the time it took to raise that much money.

What did you deduce from that?

Well, sir, we kind of figured maybe they didn’t really expect anybody to come up with the money in time.

Oh?

Yes, sir. They were nut cases, that was self-evident. And it seemed to us it was just possible they didn’t want us to be able to come up with the money in time.

Why?

Because if we didn’t produce the money, it would give them the excuse they were looking for. To bomb hell out of New York.

Azzard (Cont’d)

In terms of enforcement procedures your office decided to handle this case according to the procedures devised for dealing with kidnappings, isn’t that right?

Essentially, yes. A hostage-the city-was being held for ransom. In principle it was the same thing as a kidnapping. A mass kidnapping.

And the FBI is specifically organized to deal with the crime of kidnapping.

That’s right. As a result of the Lindbergh case, kidnapping was made a federal offense and came under the jurisdiction of government authority. We’re the enforcement arm.

Now, you have specific procedures for dealing with such cases?

Yes. We’ve had a lot of experience with ransom cases.

What are those procedures, in principle?

The first priority is the safety of the victim. The second priority is the apprehension of the perpetrators. The third is the recovery of the ransom.

In other words your regulations specify that no action be taken which might jeopardize the safety of the victim.

That’s correct. Of course, in certain kidnapping cases we’ve had peculiar problems along those lines.

Such as?

Well, sometimes you develop clues which indicate that the kidnappers intend to kill the victim whether or not the ransom is paid. In cases like that, sometimes you have to go ahead and move in on them even though you know it’s a risk.

Was this case in that category?

Not to our knowledge, no.

It’s been suggested Craycroft and Ryterband knew there wouldn’t be time to deliver the money. That they were simply looking for an excuse to bomb the city.

Well, they could have bombed it right at the start, if that was all they wanted. I don’t really buy that theory.

It has some rationale behind it, Mr. Azzard. They might have tried to justify such intentions by blaming the city itself for not producing the ransom. “You brought it on yourself,” that kind of rationalization.

Maybe. I’m not convinced.

So you didn’t feel you’d be justified in moving in on Craycroft before the ransom was paid, even if there were some way to get at him?

No. Our recommendation was to pay the ransom, and worry about recovering it after the threat had been removed.

To whom did you make that recommendation?

Specifically to Mr. Maitland, to Captain Grofeld, and-when he arrived-to Deputy Police Commissioner Toombes.

And did they agree with your analysis?

So far as I know they did. They didn’t argue the point.

What procedure did you have in mind to recover the ransom?

You try to use as many as you can. Circumstances differ, of course. In this case we had one built-in advantage. If the money was coming from the Federal Reserve disposal office, it meant they already had records of the serial numbers of the bills.

That’d be a pretty unpromising way of tracing the money, wouldn’t it?

It’s paid off now and then in the past. I grant you it’s slow. Usually by the time somebody spots a wanted bill in circulation, it’s been passed five or six times from hand to hand. But sooner or later you usually manage to trace one back to its source.

What other methods did you elect to employ in this case?

We decided to bring in three bleepers.

Could you explain that term, for the record?

Miniature battery-operated transmitters. It’s SOP to conceal them, for example, in the locks of suitcases in which the ransom is delivered. A direction finder can pinpoint the location of the bleeper by radio triangulation. It makes it possible for us to follow the ransom without showing ourselves.

So you decided to put minature transmitters into the cases in which the ransom would be delivered to Ryterband?

Yes. Two of those-one would be fairly obvious and the other would be well concealed. The theory was that we expected him to find the obvious one, and ditch it. Then he’d think he was safe. We’d still have the concealed one, to lead us to him afterward. But we had an additional advantage in this case. We had Ryterband himself. He was in that room with us for hours. We secreted a bleeper on Ryterband, without his knowledge.

How did you do that?

I had it brought up to the office from our headquarters by an agent. We slipped it to Agent Barstow, who’s quite deft. He managed to attach it to the back of Ryterband’s belt while Ryterband was looking out the window at Craycroft’s plane. Ryterband wasn’t aware of the contact; we distracted him by having Agent Cobb jostle him. Rather like a pickpocket.

Very ingenious.

It’s a procedure we’ve rehearsed regularly. We employ it fairly frequently, for various purposes. Both bleepers and bugs.

So you were fairly certain of being able to track Ryterband if he took delivery of the ransom and drove away.

Yes. As long as we could stay within about four miles of him. The effective transmitting range of the bleepers is about four miles in urban areas. More, of course, in open areas-up to about ten miles.

That extended range would apply to the open water?

That would depend on the amount of insulation around him. If he was on an ocean liner, for example, the range would be restricted by all the metal around him. On a small open boat we could pick him up from twelve or fifteen miles away.

Did you take any other official action at that time, other than fixing these radio-tracking devices to Ryterband and preparing two others for attachment to the ransom?

Yes. We made continuous efforts to talk Craycroft out of it, by using Ryterband’s transmitter.

Did Craycroft respond?

Not to us. He talked only to Ryterband.

Did you record those radio conversations between Ryterband and Craycroft?

We tape-recorded the ones that took place after about one o’clock. Prior to that time we didn’t have a recorder, but we made stenographic notes of the conversations. I can’t say we got anything very useful from them. They both knew the conversations were being monitored. Our people were standing right beside him when he was on the radio. They weren’t very likely to give us any information that would help us.

What did they talk about?

Ryterband did most of the talking. Keeping Craycroft abreast of what was going on in the office. Telling him they were making efforts to get the money together.

What was the nature of Craycroft’s responses?

Hard to tell. He said very little. Most of it was radio jargon. One-word responses like “affirmative,” “acknowledge,” “roger,” “negative,” that kind of thing. I was told by the reporter, Harris, that Craycroft was probably having his hands full flying the airplane and didn’t have a lot of time to devote to chatter. Evidently what he was doing was quite difficult. I wouldn’t know much about that end of it.

Then you were content to let them take the ransom and then go after them afterward?

That’s our standard procedure in ransom cases. But the problem here was that we didn’t know whether the money could be delivered in time. We had to try to work out ways to neutralize Craycroft’s bomber, because the money might not materialize. That wasn’t a matter of choice. It was dictated by the facts.

Brian Garfield

Target Manhattan

Adler (Cont’d)

General, did you at one point recommend that Charles Ryterband be taken up onto the roof of the bank?

I didn’t recommend it. I suggested it as one possible action.

To what purpose?

I told them they could try it. Take him up on the rooftop and hold a gun to his head. Tell the man in the plane that if he didn’t buzz off, we’d shoot the son of a bitch in the head. The suggestion was vetoed. I didn’t hold out much hope for it. Again, it was a military solution to a peacetime problem, and I suppose the two don’t gel.

Did you really think it would have worked?

It might have been worth a try. We didn’t have any idea how close the two men were. But Ryterband kept talking about his “brother.” I figured it might be worth a try.

But it was vetoed. By whom?

You might say it was a unanimous veto.

Eastlake (Cont’d)

But you finally got through to the Federal Reserve Director in Washington, didn’t you?

Yes. It took some doing. My secretary tracked him down. He was over at Treasury, having lunch with somebody. We finally patched through a line to him.

At what time?

Must have been about one thirty, one forty.

What was said in that conversation?

I spelled out the situation. He absorbed it as quickly as you could expect, but a thing like that takes some getting used to. He asked me a lot of questions. I only had answers to a few of them. I guess he wasn’t completely satisfied. He said he’d have to get back to me. He said he’d call Maitland himself, and then he’d have to talk to the FBI Director.

And did he?

Well, I wasn’t there, you know.

This isn’t a court proceeding. We have no rules against hearsay evidence. We’re simply trying to compose an overall picture.

All right. As far as I know he talked to both of them-Maitland and the FBI in Washington. Anyhow, he called me back and said he’d talked to them.

Fine. And what was the result?

He said it looked like we’d better go ahead arid give them the money. He was having a letter-order prepared, and as soon as he signed it, he’d put it on the Xerox-phone to me so that I’d get a facsimile copy of it in case there was any flak. But he told me not to wait for it to come through, it would take at least an hour. He told me to go ahead and order the money put together and sent over to the Merchants Trust.

At what time did you receive that instruction?

By the time he’d called Maitland and asked all his questions, and then called the FBI chief and talked to him, and then called me back-let’s see, it must have been right around two fifteen in the afternoon, give or take five minutes.

And how long did you anticipate it would take to get the money to Maitland’s office?

Well, it had to be counted, didn’t it? Not note by note, but stack by stack at least. And it had to be packed into some sort of carry-containers. And we had to arrange for a guard on it in transit, and we had to whistle up an armored truck. Figuring on traffic and time-in-motion and all the rest of it, I called Maitland and told him he couldn’t expect to get delivery in less than an hour and a half.

In other words the earliest you could promise it would be a quarter to four?

I told him we’d make every effort to do it faster than that, but it didn’t look humanly possible to shave very much time off that estimate.

You were aware that the deadline for delivery was three o’clock?

Yes. I was. But there was nothing I could do about it.

Grofeld (Cont’d)

We’re deeply grateful to you for your typescript, Captain. You’ve done an amazing job of reconstructing the backgrounds of the two men.

Well, the department gave me time off to compile the dossiers on them, Mr. Skinner, and I’ve had a month on it.

It’s a remarkable job of detective work, nonetheless. And while I’m no judge of writing styles, I must say it’s far more readable than most of the official documents one sees.

Well, thanks. I’m a part-time fiction writer, of course. I guess some of it’s too flowery. It probably needs editing.

Not by me. In any case I wonder if you’d let me ask you some questions about your own participation in the case.

Fire away.

You arrived in Mr. Maitland’s office at what time?

Somewhere around twelve forty-five in the afternoon.

Mr. Azzard of the FBI was there?

He’d arrived a bit ahead of me. Of course, I’d been monitoring the situation from my office for more than an hour by that time, but I decided I’d better get over there personally in case there was something I could contribute. I guess it was partly vanity and partly impatience-I just couldn’t stand being on the periphery any longer. The truth of the matter is, as far as police department business was concerned, Sergeant O’Brien had the situation as well in hand as anybody could. He’s an excellent officer. I’ve submitted him for a citation.

He certainly seems to deserve some recognition, I agree. Now, it wasn’t until about two twenty that you received definite word that the money would be delivered, but not until forty-five minutes after Ryterband’s deadline?

That’s right. We got a call from someone at the Federal Reserve. That call came at two seventeen. They said it would be at least ninety minutes before we had the money.

But you’d suspected as much earlier, hadn’t you? I mean almost everybody seems to have felt it would be impossible to get the money up so quickly.

Yes. Matter of fact I remember we were very surprised up there when they told us they could have it to us by three forty-five. We’d never expected it could be done that early.

What I’m getting at, Captain, is that someone must have gone to Charles Ryterband and said to him that it wasn’t possible to raise the money in time.

We were all trying to convince him of that.

At what time, and by whom, was this matter first brought to Ryterband’s attention?

I don’t know. By the time I got there he’d already been told that.

In other words Ryterband had been informed of the probable delay, and he’d been informed at some time prior to your arrival at twelve forty-five.

Actually I expect that must have been one of Maitland’s first statements to Ryterband.

Yes, Mr. Maitland says it was. I’m simply trying to pin down the fact that Ryterband was not only informed of it, but was actually aware of it. The point being that a lot of people were talking at him incessantly and there’s some doubt as to how much of it actually penetrated his consciousness. He must have been highly confused by all the activity.

He was flustered, yes. But he was in control of himself. He was aware of the fact that we didn’t expect to be able to deliver the money on time.

Fine. That’s what I wanted to establish. Now, how did he react to that information?

I’d call it stubborn disbelief. He refused to accept it. From what he said, I gathered he was utterly convinced that men with money could do anything. If they couldn’t raise the money in time, it meant they didn’t want to. That was how he felt about it.

And you tried to convince him otherwise?

We all did. We took turns at him. Hell, we had to convince him. We weren’t trying to put anything over on him. We were telling him the truth. We had to make him see that.

And did you?

Not for quite a while, no. Finally we started to penetrate, I think. He began to waver. He got on the radio and told Craycroft the situation down there.

How did Craycroft respond?

At first it was the same as Ryterband’s initial reaction. All he said was “Negative.” I remember Mr. Rabinowitz, the bank’s security officer, throwing his hands violently into the air at that moment and wheeling away from us in despair. I think that gesture had an impact on Ryterband-he saw it, he saw that Rabinowitz was honestly distraught. I think that’s what convinced Ryterband that we were telling him the truth about the time factor.

And what did Ryterband do then?

He got back on the radio and talked some more. You could tell by his voice that he was honestly desperate-that, in a funny way, he was on our side.

Did that seem to change Craycroft’s attitude at all?

No. Not a bit. You’ve had this information from the other witnesses, haven’t you?

I’d like your recollection of it, Captain.

There was a discussion between Craycroft and Ryterband about the fuel situation. Of course, none of us had any hint about their getaway plan then. You know about that now, don’t you, from Mrs. Ryterband?

Yes. Go on.

Well, they were arguing. Ryterband said they could afford to shave an hour off the fuel margin. He said something about, “If they pay the ransom, you can ditch the bombs over open water. It’ll extend the range by reducing the weight of the plane.”

But Craycroft wouldn’t buy that?

No. He kept saying, “Negative.” Nothing would budge him. It was damned depressing. Because it made it crystal clear to us that we were dealing with a crazy man. He’d made his plan and he was too damned rigid to deviate from it, even if it meant the difference between success and failure. We were convinced he didn’t really care whether the money was paid or not. We were convinced he’d just as soon drop the damn bombs.

Harris (Cont’d)

Now at about one forty-five, as I reconstruct it from the other testimony, you and Sergeant O’Brien were over by the window watching the airplane pass overhead. You’d already run through the taped film of the plane that you’d taken from the helicopter. Is that substantially correct?

It might have been closer to one fifty, one fifty-five.

And at that point you were speculating about Craycroft’s intentions. Whether he meant to bomb the city regardless of what was done on the ground.

Well, yes. I mean, suppose we did come up with the ransom on time? It didn’t look likely even then, but suppose it did work out. His partner collects the money at three and he’s long gone by five ten. What’s to prevent this screwball from dropping the bombs anyway? I mean, we didn’t know for sure what he’d do, but the way things were going, it was obvious we couldn’t count on his sanity.

Of course, this was after he had refused repeated requests by his own brother-in-law to postpone the deadline.

That’s right.

Please forgive my repetitiousness, Mr. Harris. It’s just that we’d like this record to be as accurate as possible.

I work the same way as a reporter, Mr. Skinner. You ask the same question ten times, phrase it a little differently each time, and maybe once or twice out of the ten you pick up a new piece of information you didn’t have before.

Exactly. Now, both you and Sergeant O’Brien knew quite a bit about airplanes. The sergeant served as a bombardier during the war, and you have a pilot’s license. At this time, talking with O’Brien at the window, and with the memory of your teletape close-ups fresh in your minds, you began to discuss the problem from a technical standpoint. Is that correct?

That’s correct.

As it turned out, this discussion between the two of you was to have considerable importance. Do you think you could reconstruct that conversation now, for our record?

I can hit the high spots. Of course a lot of that conversation was unspoken. I mean, certain things were obvious in the context of the moment and didn’t have to be vocalized. Like the things that had been going around in the room just before we talked. General Adler arriving, for example, with all his Neanderthal notions about don’t pay the ransom or take Charlie Ryterband up on the roof and jam a gun up his ass.

Is that what he suggested? Or was it to “put a gun to his head”?

“Jam it up his ass and pull the trigger.” That’s what he said, verbatim. I’m a reporter, and I was there. But I’m sure he’d deny it now.

About your discussion with Sergeant O’Brien…

Right. But you’ve got to understand the background-the motivation. I hate that word, incidentally, but it fits. We were motivated by the fact that we felt there was a fair chance Craycroft was crazy enough to drop his bombs whether or not the ransom was paid. Therefore, it was worth considering any solution, no matter how loony. You follow?

Certainly. Could you reconstruct the conversation now?

I’m trying to. But in my business you learn that the words that are spoken are no more important than the context in which they’re spoken. In other words, that talk I had with Billy O’Brien would have been totally irresponsible if we’d honestly felt that Craycroft would go away quietly after the ransom was paid.

Go on, please. I understand your qualification completely.

Good. Here’s the best way to describe it. You ever been to a really bad movie, where you knew what the next line of dialogue was going to be?

I’m sure we all have.

We had that movie right in front of us. The stars were General Adler and the FBI clown, Azzard. They were thundering around the place, coming up with one outrageous scheme after another. O’Brien and I were over on the fringe of it, and the way it started. he and I started making remarks under our breaths about these two jokers and their wild-hair ideas. Azzard wanting to shoot the plane down, Adler talking about scooping the plane up with some crazy kind of net, stuff like that. It was absurd. But it was funny. In a situation like that you’re under incredible stress, and it doesn’t take much to send you over the line from tension to laughter. I don’t excuse it. O’Brien and I were making jokes about it. About how Adler was the one who ought to be hauled away in a net. Or putting Azzard inside the cannon and shooting him at the airplane. Really poor jokes, you know? But, anyhow, it got us off on this crazy tangent of needling each other into coming up with wilder and wilder schemes. Soaring fancies about how you could stop Craycroft. O’Brien said what we ought to do is run a big ladder up from the Empire State Building and grab him with a skyhook when he flew by. I said the best way to handle it was to call him on the radio and tell him his house was on fire, he better get right home. It went on like that.

But it led you to more concrete, realistic ideas, didn’t it?

Yes. You couldn’t keep laughing it off. The thing I remember mainly is we figured we had to analyze his flight path. Finally we called Walter DeFeo at the Civil Defense Emergency office. He was in touch with the air-traffic controllers at the three airports-that was part of his job. He got us the flight plan from the radar people at JFK traffic control. In the bank office Maitland had a map of the five boroughs with red dots to indicate the locations of the Merchants Trust branches. We defaced hell out of that map with one of those felt marker pens, drawing Craycroft’s flight path. He followed the same route every circuit except for the variations he made in his crossings of the East River. Obviously he’d decided to do random crossings over the three bridges just in case we tried to set something up to ambush him when he was over the river. But the rest of it you could just about plot him on a street map.

What was the flight path exactly?

He’d go diagonally uptown from Front Street. Up First Avenue and then Lexington Avenue, and then he’d ease out toward York Avenue to make his left turn at the north end of his swing. That was a very tight turn for a B-17. He kept it directly above Manhattan, never going wide of land. The peak of the turn was right over Cathedral Parkway-a Hundred and Tenth Street, at the north end of Central Park. He’d swing back south over Riverside Drive at about Ninety-sixth Street and he’d head right down Broadway, all the way down. He never even went above Central Park. He kept it above heavily populated buildings every foot of the way. Finally down to Canal and start his leftward turn over the financial district. He went straight over City Hall and kept turning left so he’d end up crossing the East River above the Brooklyn Bridge or the Manhattan Bridge. He’d do a figure-eight turn over northwestern Brooklyn and come back across to Manhattan either by the same route he’d used before, or up across the Williamsburg Bridge. And so on, the circle as before. It took less time to plot it on the map than it does to describe it.

Go on.

The weather was cloudy that day. Mostly cloudy, a few patches of hazy clear sky here and there. But of course he was well below the clouds. I suppose the clouds were at four or five thousand feet. They weren’t rain clouds.

Did that enter into your calculations?

It entered into our wishes, that’s for sure. But wishes don’t make facts. We saw pretty quickly how it would be easy to outfox him if the clouds were lower.

Oh? How?

Confuse his instruments when he was flying inside a cloud.

What good would that do?

Well, we figured it this way. There was one point where he was vulnerable. It was up at the top of his swing, when he was making that tight turn across the top of Central Park. If he miscalculated just a little bit, he’d be out over the Hudson River.

I see. Continue, please.

At that point the Hudson is more than a mile wide. We figured if you could coax him out over the Hudson, you could shoot him down. The altitude he was flying, he and his bombs would hit the river. They wouldn’t cross over as far as the New Jersey shore. He was only about a quarter of a mile above sea level.

There was no other point in his flight path which coincided with that possibility?

No. At the southern end of the oval-it was an oval, not a circle really-he had that other turn, a ninety-degree turn across the Wall Street district and then his figure eight over Brooklyn-but that took him across the East River, not the Hudson. The East River isn’t a river at all, it’s a saltwater channel between two islands in the Atlantic Ocean: Manhattan and Long Island. It’s very narrow-not even a quarter the width of the Hudson River. If you shot him down over the East River he might crash in Brooklyn.

I see. Go on, then.

Well, a lot of this gets pretty technical. I’ll try to explain it as simply as I can, but you’ve got to remember it took a lot less time than this for O’Brien and me to discuss it, because we used a lot of airman’s shorthand.

I appreciate that. Do try to keep it to layman’s terms if you can.

Right. First, let’s consider the flight path. You draw a half-circle from Ninety-sixth and York Avenue to a Hundred and Tenth Street and Lenox Avenue-the peak of his swing-over to Ninety-sixth Street and Amsterdam Avenue. Manhattan is a bit less than two miles wide at that point. But the diameter of his circle was less than that. There’s a lot of centripetal force in a tight turn like that, and he was ending his turn above Amsterdam Avenue-which is four blocks inland from the Hudson River-because if he didn’t he’d be wide open. If his circle had been wider, we’d have been able to shoot him down while he was over West End Avenue, say, or Riverside Drive. The centripetal force would have spun both the airplane and the bombs out into the river.

I think I understand. He had to keep the diameter of his turn well inland from the shore, because otherwise, if he’d dropped his bombs, they’d have been dragged out past the shoreline by centripetal force.

Right. He was making a one hundred eighty-degree turn with a radius of something like three-quarters of a mile-a very tight turn for a big airplane; he wasn’t going very fast, of course, but he still had to bank steeply in those turns. The point is, it was a delicate and precise maneuver. The slightest miscalculation and he goes too far-and we’ve got him.

Then, you decided the thing to do was find a way to make him miscalculate.

Easier said than done, I can assure you. That’s why it would have been beautiful if we’d had low clouds drifting through up there. He flies into a cloud, you deflect his compasses and he wouldn’t know where the hell he was. Hit him at the right moment and even if he panicked and hit the bombs-away button, all he’d do would be to blow a few holes in the Hudson River.

But there weren’t any clouds at that altitude, were there?

Nope. That stumped us.

What about the matter of deflecting his compasses? That’s not easy either, is it?

Not easy, no. But possible.

At what time did you and Sergeant O’Brien propose the idea of the crop duster?

Must have been about two thirty.

Grofeld (Cont’d)

A little while ago you mentioned that the call from the Federal Reserve saying the money would be at least forty-five minutes late arriving came at two seventeen. What was done then?

I reported this information to the room at large. Then I went over to Charles Ryterband and talked to him. I explained, as reasonably as I could under the circumstances, that we were doing our damnedest to comply with his demands-their demands. I said he could see that we had every reason to do so, and no reason not to. I said we were doing everything in our power, and that we were acting in good faith. I told him there would be a delay, but that it was completely beyond our control. The money would be delivered by three forty-five at the very latest, I told him. I went on like that, trying to impress the truth on him, trying to get through to the poor confused bastard. After a while I could see it was sinking in. Mr. Toombes and I-and even Mr. Azzard-all implored him to explain this development to his partner and do everything in his power to persuade his partner to grant us the extra time.

And did Ryterband do as you asked?

Yes. And, believe me, his heart was in it. I have a suspicion that he was overwhelmed, himself, by the magnitude of the crime. That he walked into the damned thing only half-awake, only half-aware of what he was doing, and that he was coming to his senses somehow. Actually it was only a few minutes after that that he broke down completely and wept.

But before that he talked to Craycroft, didn’t he?

Yes.

And got no response?

He got a response. It was negative, like all the previous ones.

Craycroft just wouldn’t budge at all?

Three o’clock was the deadline. That was that, as far as he was concerned.

What happened then?

First there was an interruption. General Adler. He came thundering across the room. He said if the son of a bitch was going to drop his bombs anyway, we might as well go ahead and shoot him down. He said that way at least we could make the choice as to where the bombs would fall.

He said that, did he?

He said we should hit the plane when it was making the turn from Central Park across upper Manhattan. That way, he said, either the bombs would swing out into the river, or if worst came to worst-these are his words-he said, “At least they’ll only hit Harlem.”

That’s verbatim?

He seemed to think some of us are more expendable than others.

I see. Well, let’s get on, shall we, to what happened after General Adler’s interruption.

Well, that was when Ryterband broke down.

Describe that, if you would?

Well, I’ve tried to sort it out in retrospect, with the aid of the backgrounding I’ve done on the two men. I can’t say I can explain it in such a way that it makes complete sense. He seemed to fall apart all of a sudden. He’d been on the verge of hysterics all afternoon, but this was something else, this was different. He was involved in something daring, something of tremendous risk-naturally he’d be nervous and scared and ready to hit the ceiling at the slightest provocation. Anybody would, especially a basically nonviolent type like Ryterband, who had no experience of crime or dealing with people on a basis of threats and extortion. It’s become apparent that Craycroft had only sprung the whole thing on him a few hours earlier that same day.

Well, they’d discussed the plan for months…

Only in theory. Only as a make-believe fantasy. You’ve talked with Mrs. Ryterband?

Yes.

Then you know Craycroft only revealed that same morning his intention to put the theory into practice. That’s what she claims, anyhow, and I see no compelling reason to disbelieve it. I think the idea must have galvanized Ryterband at first. They’d spent months rationalizing it, of course-the motives, the evil of the New York businessmen villains, the righteousness of their cause, even the peculiarly fitting use of that antique airplane.

All right, we’ll accept that as a basis.

The point is I think when Craycroft got him out of bed that morning and sprang it on him, Ryterband must have been excited as hell. It must have got his adrenaline pumping at a hell of a rate. Pure excitement carried him for quite a while. But then, up there in that crowded office with all of us trying to reason with him at once, something happened to him. I don’t know what it was. Maybe remorse. Maybe he realized Craycroft was-loony. Maybe he began to see that his love and loyalty had taken him much too far-and that it was much too late to turn back even if he wanted to. Maybe, maybe, maybe. I just don’t know for sure.

But he broke down, you say. In what way?

A lot of it was incoherent. He burst into tears. A real crying jag.

Did he say anything you could understand?

I honestly can’t remember. Nothing memorable.

But he did go into a form of hysterics? Is that a fair statement?

Yes. Of course, it terrified most of us.

Why?

He was our only contact with the guy in the airplane with the bombs. If Ryterband lost his marbles, that was the end of it.

But in the end he didn’t lose his marbles. Not in an obvious way.

No. He made an extraordinary effort of will. You could see it physically when he made this extreme attempt to pull himself together.

And succeeded.

In a way. It took quite a while. Oh, perhaps not in clock time-maybe not more than three or four minutes. But standing there, it was like watching the restoration of a statue from shattered fragments. He literally put himself back together. I’ve never quite seen anything like it. Finally he did a strange thing. He lifted his head up-he was sitting in an armchair beside the two-way radio set-and he put his hands out, very wide. And he begged our forgiveness.

Forgiveness for what?

He didn’t say.

I see.

He didn’t make any excuses for himself. He didn’t even try.

I see. Wasn’t that an abrupt change of heart?

Yes. Don’t ask me to explain it.

What happened next?

Well, it was then about two thirty. We had no more than half an hour before the money was supposed to appear, according to Craycroft’s schedule. According to ours we had an hour and a quarter, but I don’t think any of us were very sure we’d live that long. He was making a pass directly over the bank every nine minutes. I think most of us assumed he’d use the bank for one of his targets.

Even with Ryterband in the bank?

We didn’t know very much about Harold Craycroft at that juncture, Mr. Skinner. Ryterband had called him “Harold,” but we didn’t even know his last name. But we did know one thing for sure. We knew he was psycho. Moving up on the deadline, that knowledge was getting to all of us.

You mean people were getting rattled.

Getting more rattled. We’d been rattled all day, for God’s sake. (Laughter) Anyhow, by this time everybody was talking at once and nobody much was listening. I remember particularly General Adler was yelling at nobody in particular about a survey he’d worked on. It chilled me right down to my toes.

Adler (Cont’d)

Yes, that’s right. It was some years ago we did the survey, of course, but I don’t think much has changed since then, for practical purposes.

This was an Air Force survey?

No. It was conducted by the Civil Defense office. I participated in it as liaison from Air Force-I was doing a tour of duty at McGuire, so this must have been nineteen fifty-eight. Back when the cold war was some hotter than it became later on.

What was the nature of the survey, General?

They were drawing up Civil Defense contingency plans. What to do in case of enemy attack. This particular survey was a study on various evacuation plans for New York City.

And the conclusions of the study?

Hell, I told them what the conclusions would be before they even processed the raw data. Anybody with half an eye could see that. Of the five boroughs of New York, the Bronx is the only one that’s not on an island. Evacuate four densely populated island boroughs? Think about it. How many tunnels and bridges between Manhattan and the mainland? Between Brooklyn-Queens and the mainland? Between Staten Island and the Jersey shore? Think about it.

It’s a distressing thought, I admit.

We were supposed to recommend the most efficient plan. The minute I walked in I told them there wouldn’t be enough difference between the most efficient plan and any other plan to fit up a gnat’s ass. Bomb shelters and evacuation routes. For God’s sake. Nuclear war? Christ, you take your losses and you hit back. What else are you going to do? Evacuate? But they had to do their goddamned survey.

And what was the conclusion?

To evacuate New York City and the metropolitan area to a radius consistent with then-existing mega-tonnage? Hell, Mr. Skinner, we figured the best possible time you could do it in. Know what figure we came up with? Care to guess?

No. What was it?

Two weeks.

Grofeld (Cont’d)

Two weeks minimum, he was saying. To get people out of New York in case of emergency. And here we had a threat that was measured in minutes!

That was why nobody had suggested trying to clear the streets?

I’d had a brief conversation with Deputy Commissioner Toombes about that earlier. We’d decided against it. Complete news blackout. Of course most of the news agencies around the city had been calling the department, asking what the hell that plane was doing up there. We’d kept a lid on it. Given out vague stories about a publicity stunt, some Hollywood promotion. We couldn’t very well make the truth public, Mr. Skinner. We’d have had a panic on our hands. There could have been riots, looting, the whole enchilada. Screwballs on rooftops trying to shoot him down with twenty-two rifles. No, there was never any question of informing the public of the danger.

Let’s get back to the chronology of events. Ryterband broke down and begged forgiveness-when, about two thirty?

Roughly, yes.

Then what happened?

As I said, everybody was talking at once. Voices were rising, and so were tempers. Mr. Azzard was buttonholing people, trying to convince us we ought to take a chance and try shooting him down over the East River and hope he’d go down in the drink instead of hitting Brooklyn or one of the bridges. That time of day traffic piles up pretty heavy on those bridges, and some of them carry subway trains. Mr. Toombes and Mr. Rabinowitz were over in a corner arguing with General Adler at the tops of their lungs, trying to talk him out of his idea of shooting the plane down over Harlem.

What were you doing?

Listening to Sergeant O’Brien and Mr. Harris. They were the only ones in that room who were making any sense.

Harris (Cont’d)

If you’re looking to find a hero in this mess, you’d have to pin the medal on Captain Grofeld. He was the only one doing anything constructive.

It was you and Sergeant O’Brien who proposed a plan of action, though, wasn’t it?

Man proposes, the authorities dispose. We could have proposed a dozen ideas. O’Brien’s only a sergeant, and I’m a complete outsider-a civilian carping from the sidelines. Hell, I had no business there. They let me stay, but that was accidental. Nobody was clearly in charge. Nobody had time for details like that. Maybe they were afraid I’d have broadcast the news to the press if I left the room. Maybe I was qualified to stay merely because I’d had a close-up look at the plane. Who knows? Anyway, neither I nor O’Brien had any clout to set things in motion. Grofeld had the clout-and the imagination. I mean it was outrageous, what we suggested. Nobody else would have Could we try to take it in order, Mr. Harris? I think that would make the record easier to follow.

All right, sure. We-O’Brien and I-went over to Captain Grofeld and pried him loose of where he and the banker were listening-angrily-to all the shouting. Most of the shouting was coming from Azzard and General Adler. It was becoming clear to me that it wouldn’t be long before one or the other of them was going to take the bull by the horns. I didn’t know exactly how much authority Adler had, but it was conceivable he had the power to order those jet fighters to attack at any time. It wasn’t until later that we figured out what the chain of command was.

The jet fighters were in the air at the time?

Yes. They’d been scrambled from some National Guard outfit at Floyd Bennett Field in Brooklyn.

At what time had they been launched?

Evidently they’d been in the air since about one thirty. Keeping tabs on the bomber from about four thousand feet. Craycroft knew they were above him, of course, but I guess he’d anticipated that. They weren’t making any threatening moves.

Do you know by whose authority they had been launched?

Adler had called somebody. Some major general.

Would that be General Hawley?

You got me. All I knew was, there were three F-104 Starfighters zipping around up there. There’d been some pretty heated talk about their armament. They were armed with two kinds of weapons, those planes. They had six-barrel Vulcan guns in the nose-that’s a high-speed twenty-millimeter cannon-but they were also armed with heat-seeking Sidewinder missiles. Air-to-air rockets with high-explosive warheads. They used them in Vietnam against the MIGs. The sensors home in on the target-the heat of the enemy plane’s engines-and they guide themselves to impact. Adler had been saying we ought to use those missiles against Craycroft. O’Brien had been screaming bloody murder about that.

Why?

They’re heat-seeking projectiles. Suppose one of them missed Craycroft’s plane? It’d head for the nearest crosstown bus, or the incinerator-chimney on an apartment house roof. Christ.

I see what you mean.

Anyhow, we didn’t know how soon Adler might break a wire and try to order those fighters in to attack. Actually we didn’t even know whether he had the authority to order an attack, but we had to assume he did. He was talking real loud about dumping the debris all over central Harlem. He seemed to get a big charge out of that idea. His face was getting very red-he’s a classic case of hard-drinking high blood pressure-and there was no way to know he wouldn’t go berserk. So we were contending not only with Craycroft, but with Adler, too. Things didn’t look very bright. I think it was the Adler threat, more than the Craycroft threat, that persuaded O’Brien and me to put that crazy idea to Grofeld.

Go on, please.

Well, it was past two thirty by then. We didn’t have more than maybe twenty-five minutes before Cray-croft’s deadline, and by that point we knew we couldn’t make the deadline. We buttonholed Grofeld. O’Brien asked him if he had permission to speak. Grofeld said what the hell, of course. O’Brien said we’d come up with a cockeyed scheme that just might work.

You told him the nature of the scheme?

Just in outline. We didn’t have time to spell out the details.

How did Captain Grofeld react?

He didn’t screw around with silly questions. He was just as scared of Adler as we were. Maybe more so. He just looked O’Brien in the eye and said, “That’s the first sensible thing I’ve heard in the past hour.”

What happened next?

Grofeld said, “But that’ll take a lot more than twenty minutes.” We agreed it would. Grofeld said, “All right. Let’s try to buy some time.” That sweet gorgeous son of a bitch. He walked right over to Charles Ryterband. Ryterband had calmed down a little by then. He listened very gravely to Grofeld-like a small kid listening to his father explain about the birds and the bees. Ryterband had an expression on his face as hopeless as I’ve ever seen on a human being, but he turned around and picked up the microphone and made contact with Craycroft. I heard Craycroft’s voice on the speaker, repeating the call letters-they were very formal about that kind of thing-and then Ryterband started talking in a subdued monotone, telling him the money was on its way, it would be a half hour or forty-five minutes late, but it was on the way, and please would he hold off with the bombs until the money was delivered.

But you got the same response as before?

Yeah. Craycroft said three words. He said, “Three o’clock. Out.” That was that. In the meantime Maitland was on the phone with the Federal Reserve, but they weren’t reassuring. The money was being packed up even then, some of it was being carried upstairs to the truck, but it would be a lot more than twenty minutes before it got to us.

That was when Captain Grofeld took action?

Damn right he did. It was beautiful. He grabbed the microphone and spoke the call letters. There wasn’t any answer-Craycroft never acknowledged anybody’s voice but Ryterband’s. But we knew he could hear us. Grofeld said if that was the way he wanted to play it, we’d abide by his rules. But we had a right to expect Craycroft to abide by them, too, he said. He said Ryterband had originally given us until ten minutes after five as the deadline. That had been the first understanding and we expected him to honor it, whether or not the ransom was paid by three.

Did Craycroft reply to that?

No. Grofeld went on, told him the ransom would be delivered in good faith within the next hour and Ryterband would be turned loose with it. Grofeld said this would be done in good faith so long as the bombs weren’t dropped before the ransom was delivered. After that, he said, it would be up to Graycroft to decide whether he had a right to drop his bombs at five o’clock. Ten after five, whatever.

And?

Craycroft still didn’t answer, so Grofeld asked Charles Ryterband to get on the horn and repeat what he’d just said. Ryterband did so. He told Craycroft that we were right-that the bombs shouldn’t be dropped before five ten because those were the terms as he had first stated them. I think Ryterband understood intuitively what Grofeld was trying to do. We had the feeling that Craycroft was using that inflexible rigidity to hang onto what sanity he had left. He must have felt that his plans could work out so long as he didn’t waver-didn’t deviate from the exact plan. He probably felt that if he wavered, everything would fall apart. He clung to that rigidity, and Grofeld was playing on it. Ryterband had originally given us until five ten and Grofeld was asking Craycroft to honor that. Anyhow Ryterband got on the radio and repeated it all, told Craycroft he had to keep to the original bargain and not drop his bombs before five ten.

Craycroft replied?

Craycroft said, “Affirmative.” Christ, didn’t we all start breathing again. Grofeld bought us an extra two hours, maybe.

Maybe?

Well, we didn’t know what was in Craycroft’s mind. Naturally we hoped Craycroft would go away quietly after the ransom was paid, even if the ransom was late. Grofeld said emphatically several times that no overt action should be taken against Craycroft before the money was delivered to Ryterband. Then we’d try to feel out Craycroft’s intentions, and act accordingly. You see, none of us was sure that Craycroft had his plan worked out in absolute detail for what he’d do if we didn’t pay the ransom. I think he’d taken it for granted we would pay. He was right, of course-he just hadn’t taken into account the snail’s pace of bureaucracy. But I had a feeling-I can’t prove it-that he’d never stopped to think about the timing of it if the ransom wasn’t paid. Whether to drop the bombs at one minute past three or at ten minutes past five. He could have gone either way. Maybe Grofeld didn’t buy us any time we hadn’t had anyway. But none of that’s going to convince me that they shouldn’t build a statue to Henry Grofeld in City Hall square.

By then you must have realized the danger that Craycroft might drop the bombs anyway, even after the ransom had been paid.

Of course. We knew he was crazy. We had to include that possibility on the list. That was why Grofeld listened to our crazy scheme.

O’Brien (Cont’d)

I said, “Captain, you’ve got to understand this is a wild-hair idea. I wouldn’t give it more than one chance in fifty.” Captain Grofeld said that was a hell of a lot better odds than anything else we had right then. He said we’d better get on with it.

And then?

I told him what we’d need. Some of it was technical equipment-radio gear-that would take some mighty fast scrounging. The rest of it-the crop duster and all-was probably easier to get. But I scribbled a list for him.

Do you have that list, by any chance?

No, I’m sorry. It got lost in the shuffle somewhere. Probably got thrown out. I could give you a pretty good idea, though. We needed three portable transmitters that could put out taped code signals on the radio-navigation and LORAN bands. We needed a large helicopter-something fast enough to keep up with the bomber. Of course, the bomber wasn’t making much speed. Craycroft was conserving fuel, and in any case he had to keep his speed down to make those tight turns over Manhattan. He wasn’t making more than maybe a hundred and thirty miles an hour-he was throttled right down. We figured a chopper could keep up with that. And a crop duster. Actually my first idea was to use one of those midair-refueling jet tankers the Air Force has. But we’d have played hell trying to find one in time, and Jack Harris pointed out you could do the same job with a little crop duster, and of course he was right.

By crop duster you mean a small, light airplane equipped to spray chemicals on farm fields.

Yes, sir, that’s right. I knew where we could lay our hands on one. The New Jersey Mosquito Control Commission uses them to spray the swamps around Hackensack and Secaucus. They’ve got several planes at the Newark and Teterboro airfields.

So your list included three transmitters, one large helicopter, and a crop-duster plane. Anything else?

Yes, sir. Two things. A large portable electromagnet-the kind they use for picking scrap metal out of dumps-and several barrels of paint. We even suggested a specific brand of paint that we happened to know was thick and had a tendency to adhere to most surfaces instantly on contact. The color was immaterial.

Coming on it cold, Captain Grofeld must have thought that was a rather strange list.

Well, we’d told him what we had in mind, sir. The problem wasn’t in obtaining the things we wanted-they were all fairly common items. The problem was to do it fast and get all of it to the right place at the right time. The biggest headache was the transmitter codes-the tapes that put out the RN and LORAN signals. We had to use battery-powered equipment that put out weak signals, something that wouldn’t foul up all the air traffic in the metropolitan area pattern. Traffic had been diverted and grounded by the Civil Defense and the Port Authority airports, but still there could have been a lot of planes within radio range, using those navigating beacons. It was a headache trying to figure out where we could get low-power transmitters that would put out signals on the right frequencies, and figuring out where we could get RN and LORAN-coded signal tapes to feed into them.

Wasn’t it Mr. Harris who proposed a solution to that?

Yes, sir. We were stumped until he pointed out that we didn’t have to actually fool the instruments with fake beacons. All we really had to do was jam them. Put out any kind of signal at all, so long as it was on the right frequency and would interrupt his reception of signals from ground beacons.

That made it much easier, then.

Yes, sir. It became possible to do the job with three battery transmitters-any kind of transmitters that had variable frequency controls. We sent a cop down to a ham-radio shop and he had them within fifteen minutes.

Grofeld (Cont’d)

Right about then it got to be three o’clock. Everybody stopped talking. In fairness you’d have to call it a hush. Ryterband had got up from his chair and gone over to the window, trying to see the plane, and the rest of us moved that way-we were drawn there. It wasn’t in sight at that point. Somewhere else on its circuit. We stood there waiting for things to start exploding.

You still weren’t sure whether he would hold off?

How could we be sure of anything? We stood there and waited. All of us looking at our watches and then trying to spot him through the window and then looking at our watches again… Nobody moved. It seemed to take forever. Then we heard the drone, and the plane appeared. It circled over us, heading for Brooklyn. The bombs were still in the racks. I guess we stood there for another two or three minutes before we started to breathe again.

What happened then?

Maybe we had a reprieve, but we still didn’t have much time. I’m a police captain, a divisional commander. In terms of real authority-a case like this one-that doesn’t mean beans. I believed in this crackpot scheme of Harris and O’Brien’s, but I had to get authority to try it. I knew it was going to take time to get permission. Too much time, probably, but at least we had to try.

What did you do?

I went over to Deputy Commissioner Toombes. Got him aside and told him about it.

Was he agreeable to the idea?

You have no idea how fast I had to talk. But I sold him. Look, it wasn’t as if we had any reasonable alternatives. Any solution, no matter how wild, was bound to look pretty good to a man in his position right about then.

Then what?

I told him we needed authorization and equipment. I showed him O’Brien’s list. He just blinked at it. I’m not sure he wasn’t convinced we were crazy, but he probably figured, what the hell. I kept pressing him, telling him we had to try it. It took a little while. I had to explain about the authorizations we’d need, and in circumstances like that you have to explain things several times before anybody understands.

Yes. You have to penetrate past their confusion.

Right. Your brain gets pretty numb, times like that.

What were these authorizations you required?

Well, first, of course, we needed permission from the highest possible authorities to try the stunt at all. City, FBI, and military. Or at least a couple of them. Then we’d need full cooperation from whoever was in command of those jet fighters circling up there. At that point none of us actually knew who was giving them their orders.

You found out, though?

Toombes went over and asked General Adler. Adler told him the planes had been launched by order of Major General Bradford Hawley of the Air National Guard.

Adler had phoned Hawley earlier, I take it?

Yes. Launching the planes had been Adler’s idea, but the authority was Hawley’s. Incidentally, when I called Hawley, the first thing I asked him was whether the fighters were really armed with live ammunition.

And were they?

Yes. Twenty-millimeter cannon and air-to-air missiles.

Sidewinder missiles.

That’s right.

Now, at this time-what was it, about ten past three?

About that, yes.

At this time you began to seek authorization from the various departments?

Yes. Both Mr. Toombes and I spent a lot of time on telephones.

And ultimately you received these authorizations?

Most of them, yes. We figured we could live without the rest of them.

Which were denied you?

The FBI, for one. They’re great buck passers. Azzard didn’t want to take the responsibility, and his next superior is in Washington and was somehow unavailable through all our attempts to reach him.

But you decided to go ahead without FBI permission?

What choice did we have?

I don’t know, Captain. That’s what we’re here to determine.

We got a pretty snappy go-ahead from Mr. Swarthout, the Assistant Deputy Mayor. That covered us with the Mayor’s office. We’d established an open line to General Hawley-he was in a National Guard office at Floyd Bennett Field-we got that line and held it open after about three thirty. Hawley wanted a crack at that bomber any way he could get one, and it looked as if we might give him one, so he seemed willing to play along with us. He’d somehow gotten Pentagon clearance. He had direct radio communication with the three Starfighters. In the meantime Mr. Swarthout, who was still in his office at City Hall, established contact with the headquarters of the Port Authority and began to clear us for the helicopter and the crop duster that O’Brien and Harris had asked for.

How much time did all this take?

It was nearly four o’clock before we had it all nailed down and had the channels of communication open.

Still, under the circumstances that was fast work.

We had a crisis on our hands, Mr. Skinner.

That doesn’t always grease the skids under the bureaucracy.

Well, there’s a certain amount of interaction. I mean, each of us had contacts among people who could help us. I knew Mr. Toombes. He knew Mr. Swarthout. Swarthout knew the people at Port Authority. I mean, relationships like that are inevitable in governmental structures. We were able to get lines of communication opened, and that was the key to it. I don’t think there was anything unusual about that. The apparatus is clumsy, but if you know how to deal with it, you can function pretty fast.

I see. And Mr. Toombes had called in General Adler…

I don’t have much sympathy for General Adler, I admit. But the fact is it’s a good thing he was there. We might have had an easier time with some other Air Force officer, but we had to work with what we had.

I thought you regarded him as a worse threat than Craycroft.

In a way we did. But I’m a cop, and O’Brien’s a cop, and if Adler had really busted a fuse, we had him right there in the room and we could have neutralized him. Put him under arrest, shut him up. No, the real threat was always Craycroft, although I’ve got to admit Adler scared the hell out of us. We had to keep a damn close eye on him-you couldn’t be sure when he might get on the phone and tell General Hawley it was time to go to war.

Now, while you were seeking authorizations and opening channels, what was being done about the requisitions on O’Brien’s list?

Frankly I skipped the chain of command on most of those. I just gave orders to some cops to go get the stuff. The radio transmitters, the paint. Mr. Toombes, through Mr. Swarthout, got us the Port Authority helicopter-the biggest one they had, one of those twin-rotor banana jobs. I sent a squad from the precinct down to one of the construction outfits to requisition one of those big junkpile electromagnets with a battery-pack power supply. And we got the crop duster from the Jersey mosquito-control people, again through the Port Authority by way of a request from the Deputy Mayor’s office.

These items you obtained yourself-the paint, the radios, and the magnet-you did that on your own authority, Captain?

I did: I figured I’d argue later about whether I had the right to do it. If the stunt worked, nobody was going to bitch about a little moonlight requisitioning on my part. If it didn’t work, my head was likely to roll anyway. I didn’t see any point wasting time taking that stuff upstairs.

Now, in the meantime, while all this was going on, the government bankers were trying to expedite the delivery of the ransom money?

Yes.

Eastlake (Cont’d)

Yes, we were going all out. We had the truck loaded by three twenty. That was ten minutes earlier than I’d anticipated. I called Mr. Maitland to tell him the money was on its way. I rode over in the truck myself, with the guards.

At what time did you arrive at the bank?

The traffic was fairly heavy, and you know how narrow those streets are. It was only a few blocks, but it took about ten minutes to get across to Beaver Street. We drew up in front of the bank building. A group of men were waiting for us at the curb. Police officers were diverting pedestrian traffic. Mr. Maitland was there, and several officials with him, and a man whom someone pointed out to me as Charles Ryterband.

This was down at street level? They had come downstairs to meet you?

Yes. They told me the money was to be transferred directly from our truck to Ryterband’s car. The car was being brought around just then by two policemen, who parked it immediately behind our armored truck. Someone was carrying a large portable radio set of some kind, which they placed inside the car on the passenger seat. Later I was told that was a two-way radio, by which Ryterband kept in contact with his partner in the airplane.

And you transferred the money into the car?

Yes, sir. We had packed the money into two cases.

Suitcases

Actually they were fiberboard document cases-the handiest things we’d had available-but they were similar to large suitcases, yes. We placed them in the trunk of the car. Ryterband insisted on opening them to make sure they contained the money. Then he locked the trunk lid over them and went around the side of the car to talk to his partner by radio.

Could you hear what was said between them?

Yes. It was very brief. He told his partner the money had been delivered, that it was now in the car and that he was preparing to drive away from the bank, alone. He said something like, “They’ve kept their part of the bargain, Harold.”

Did you hear Harold’s reply?

First Ryterband said, “I’m leaving now.” Then his partner on the radio said, “Roger. Out.” Then Ryterband got in the car and drove away.

What time was that, Mr. Eastlake?

It was exactly three thirty-five.

Brian Garfield

Target Manhattan

Azzard (Cont’d)

He was a badly rattled man. Scared to death. I was afraid he was going to drive right into a telephone pole, and that would be that. But he got away to the bridge all right. We had the bleepers on his belt and the money. There was an unmarked convoy on his tail, of course-two triangulation vans and a couple of plainclothes cars to boot. They stayed out of his sight, though.

You hadn’t had much time to conceal anything in those suitcases, had you?

Enough. One of our electronics boys had fixed up the cases while they were being loaded over at the Federal Reserve.

Oh, I see.

Our trackers followed him across the bridge and onto the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway. He was a little ahead of the rush hour so he made fairly good time, even without speeding.

He then went onto the Long Island Expressway?

A few miles out beyond Queens, yes. Then he came to rest. Our vans moved in, triangulating by radio. They stopped about two hundred yards from his beacon. After a little while the beacons split up. They were different frequencies, we could tell which was which. Our agents could, that is. I was still at the Merchants Trust, but I was in radio contact with our field teams.

I understand that. What happened when the radio devices separated?

We’d more or less expected something like that. Obviously he’d taken the money out of our containers and transferred them to something else. As it turned out, he also switched cars, but that had no effect because we’d planted the bug on his belt, not his car. That bug-the one on his belt-moved away. The other two bleepers-on the suitcases-stayed put. We let him get some distance away before our men moved. One team followed the moving signal-Ryterband. The other moved in on the stationary signals. They found the empty suitcases in a private two-car garage, along with his car, which he’d left there. Meanwhile the second team of agents followed Ryterband north toward the shore of Long Island Sound.

At what time did this take place?

He reached the garage, where he made the switch, at approximately four fifteen. He left the garage at four twenty-three.

Was he in communication with Craycroft throughout that time?

Yes. We’d brought a radio up to the bank; we were monitoring their communications. They kept it very brief-maybe they didn’t want us homing in on Ryterband’s transmissions. Anyhow, he simply reported the successful conclusion of each step of his operation. He’d say something like, “Step two, completed.” Craycroft would say, “Affirmative.” That was about the sum of it.

At what time did Ryterband reach his destination?

The bleeper stopped moving at four fifty-six.

Grofeld (Cont’d)

Captain, you’ve made a thorough study of Harold Craycroft-his background, to some extent his motivations. In the course of this detective work have you interviewed psychiatric experts?

Yes, I have.

Now, as the time drew close to the five ten deadline on that Wednesday, May twenty-second, the most crucial question in your minds must have been, “Will he drop those bombs, or won’t he?”

That’s it in a nutshell, yes.

The ransom had been paid, not much more than a half hour late, as it turned out. You then had to use your best judgment as to whether Craycroft would accept that or whether he would bomb the city anyway. Now, you’ve just stated that you’ve obtained psychiatric opinions on Craycroft. You must have asked these experts whether in their judgment Craycroft intended to drop the bombs.

I did, naturally. But it was like the parable about the blind men trying to describe the elephant. I talked to four shrinks and got four opinions. They could have been talking about four different guys. I’d expected that, actually. When you go to trial, you can always find experts to give testimony on both sides of the case. It doesn’t mean anybody’s lying. They have different opinions, that’s all. Nobody except a clairvoyant could have told us what was actually going on inside Craycroft’s head at that particular time.

Then you really had no way to be absolutely certain of his intentions?

None at all.

You had to rely on judgment and intuition, then.

You could put it that way.

Is there some other way you’d prefer to put it, Captain? I’d like to be as clear as possible on this point.

Look, we’d been monitoring conversations between Ryterband and Craycroft for several hours that afternoon. We hadn’t heard Craycroft say, “I’m not going to drop the bombs.” Everything we heard led to exactly the opposite conclusion. Add to that the fact that Ryterband himself was obviously afraid of Craycroft’s intentions-he didn’t seem to know either, any more than we did. But he knew Craycroft a lot better than the rest of us did, and if Ryterband was scared, we had to be scared, too. Add to that the fact that Craycroft was obviously deranged. I mean, nobody ever really questioned that. The point is we knew just one thing for certain: that he was unpredictable. He couldn’t be depended on to do the sensible thing or the logical thing or the compassionate thing. He was listening to the sound of his own private drummer; we couldn’t hear the beat of that drum, and we had no way of anticipating his moves.

Therefore, I take it, you reasoned that you had to assume the worst.

Mr. Skinner, if a stranger points a loaded gun at you, you don’t know for sure that he’s going to pull the trigger. But if you get a chance, you’ll sure as hell duck out of his line of fire. Or, given the chance, you’ll shoot him first.

The law of self-defense.

I’m not talking about the law. I’m talking about natural reaction-common sense. He had a loaded gun pointed at us. And we couldn’t get out of the way. If we could be sure he wouldn’t shoot, that would be one thing. But all we knew was what we could see. We took steps designed to remove the threat. Defend ourselves. Whatever you want to call it. We had to try. Craycroft had a screw loose. He might let fly at any time. We had no guarantee he’d wait until ten minutes after five. We had no guarantee of anything. The sooner we tried to neutralize him, the better-in terms of odds.

Mr. Toombes acquiesced to that line of reasoning?

Yes. But I was the one who talked him into it. If you’re looking for someone to pin the blame on.

I’m not, Captain. I’m only trying to get the facts.

You’ve got to remember, I think, that we had Adler and the FBI chief breathing down our necks, too. They wanted to blow him out of the sky regardless. The difference between our scheme and theirs was at least we were trying to insure that innocent bystanders wouldn’t get hurt.

Yes, I think the record makes that abundantly clear.

And actually there wasn’t much point holding off until the deadline. Suppose we’d waited until ten after five? What were we supposed to do? Let him drop the bombs and then go after him? It was pointless, really. We had to go after him. It was best to do it as fast as possible.

Doesn’t this contradict your earlier statement that you’d decided to wait until the last possible minute in order to feel out Craycroft’s intentions before taking action?

Maybe it does. All of us were rattled. I imagine a lot of people said and did contradictory things that day.

What changed your mind?

The passage of time. Don’t forget, we started talking about neutralizing him quite early that afternoon. At that point it would have been premature to try and shoot him down. I don’t know, maybe we should have tried to get to him before three o’clock. We never had that choice, though. We didn’t have enough time. But the five ten deadline gave us time to set things up, or at least time to try. It was a very simple proposition, actually. Craycroftwas going to do one of two things. He was going to fly away harmlessly at five ten, or he was going to bomb New York City.

And you’d been trying, as we said before, to feel out his intentions?

Absolutely. We’d been on the horn with him constantly, trying to get a rise out of him, trying to prod him into giving us a clue to his decision.

But he gave you no clues.

He gave us nothing at all. He never answered us. Once Ryterband left the bank and drove away with the money, we never heard another word out of Craycroft. I’m sure he could hear us if he wanted to, but it was quite possible he’d simply switched his receiver off. There was another transmitter aboard Ryterband’s boat, of course, and probably around four thirty or four forty-five Craycroft would be listening to pick up Ryterband’s signal that he’d made his getaway clean with the money. But between three thirty and four thirty, he had no reason to be listening to the radio. We probably were talking into a dead phone. But we did try.

Very well. Now, as to the attempt to neutralize the threat, as it was carried out in the air, you’ve indicated that the idea for the scheme came from Sergeant O’Brien and Mr. Harris and that you concurred in the plan, and you then approached Mr. Toombes with it. What was his first reaction?

I had to do a little talking. Finally he saw it was the only chance we had. He agreed we had to try it.

By this time you’d already made arrangements to put some of the plan in motion on your own initiative?

I’d issued orders to obtain the items Harris and O’Brien needed, yes. I hadn’t authorized the actual execution of the plan. But we were fighting against time. We could always decide not to use the stuff. But if we didn’t have it at hand, there’d have been no point trying to get authorization to go ahead. I sent for the chopper, the radio transmitters, the crop duster, and the paint. Then I talked to Toombes.

And Mr. Toombes agreed it was worth a try. What happened next?

Well, we didn’t have the authority to put the thing into operation. We had to go to the higher-ups.

By that you mean, mainly, the military.

Yes. What we were faced with wasn’t a police operation. I don’t suppose there’s an official designation for that kind of thing, but you could call it a counterinsurgency. It required a political decision and a military decision. Several departments were involved.

Did you seek authorization from the FBI?

No.

Why?

Two reasons. First, there wasn’t time to argue with Azzard. Second, the FBI was out of it by that point. Their job was to track Ryterband. They had no jurisdiction in the air. We had to go to the military for that.

To whom in the military? To General Adler?

No. He didn’t have command authority. What happened was we had an open line to General Hawley of the Air National Guard. He had his Starfighters in the air, of course, keeping tabs on Craycroft from a distance. He had been in communication with the Pentagon. I got on the phone with him…

At what time?

About ten minutes to four, I think. I got on the phone with General Hawley and asked him who had the authority to commit his planes to action. He said that order had to come from the Air Force Chief of Staff at the very least, and he was at that moment trying to get through to that office on another line. I explained very briefly what Harris and O’Brien had in mind.

How did General Hawley react to the idea?

He didn’t at first. He’s a cautious type. Evidently he needed to think it over. He said he’d get back to me after he’d talked to the Air Force Chief of Staff in Washington.

But time was getting very short, wasn’t it?

It was nearly four o’clock, yes. We had a bit more than an hour to the deadline. At this time Ryterband was on the highway in Queens, being tailed by Mr. Azzard’s radio triangulation vans. Our own people were assembling the materials Harris and O’Brien had requested. The crop-duster aircraft was on its way from Teterboro to Newark Airport, where we planned to fill its tanks. Several police officers were obtaining the radio transmitters and the electromagnet. The Port Authority helicopter was at the Wall Street heliport pad, warming up. A few minutes after four-just after I’d talked to General Hawley-I sent O’Brien and Harris down to the heliport. I believe they arrived there at about four twenty. In the meantime the paint we’d requisitioned-eighty gallons-had been delivered to Newark Airport by a second helicopter from the Wall Street pad.

This sounds extraordinarily intricate. I’m amazed you were able to coordinate it.

Well, I think it sounds more complicated than it was. The materials were fairly simple. We didn’t require any specially made equipment. That was what was so brilliant about the idea-it made use of fairly common ingredients and put them to extraordinary use.

Now, you’d commandeered most of these materials on your own initiative and authority…

Some of it was on Mr. Toombes’ authority, and the fact that he knew the people he was dealing with at the Port Authority. It was the Port Authority people who arranged for the crop duster, through the New Jersey Mosquito Control Commission.

But as you’ve said, neither you nor Mr. Toombes-nor, in fact, anybody at all inside the bank office that you were using for your headquarters-was authorized to give orders to the military.

Well, we just had to hope for voluntary cooperation.

At what time was contact resumed between you and General Hawley of the Air National Guard?

He called me back at about four ten, four fifteen.

What did he say?

He’d managed to reach the Air Force Chief of Staff in the Pentagon. He’d received a conditional go-ahead to take action on his own initiative if it seemed appropriate. Those are more or less his words to me.

What did he mean by “conditional”?

Under no circumstances were his planes to use air-to-air missiles.

Because that could endanger the city?

Yes. They’re heat-seeking missiles…

We’ve had that explained to us. In other words, the Starfighters could employ cannon or machine guns but not missiles.

That’s right.

What about the risk of striking Craycroft’s armed bombs with cannon or machine-gun fire?

Well, in theory that was covered by Harris and O’Brien’s plan.

In theory.

We didn’t have any precedents, did we?

Now, at this point in time-you must have concluded your conversation with General Hawley at about four twenty Yes. I immediately went to the police-band radio and made contact with Harris and O’Brien. They were at the heliport, they’d just arrived there.

And you told them?

I told them I was issuing the go order. They were to execute the plan.

O’Brien (Cont’d)

I’ll use my notes here, if you don’t mind. All right, it was about twenty after four. Here’s the time-out on everything. The Starfighters were already airborne-had been, for hours. The banana chopper from PA was at the heliport. Another helicopter had delivered the eighty gallons of white paint to Newark Airport, where they’d poured it into the spray tanks of the MCC crop duster. The pilot was a guy named Williston. According to my notes, he took off from Newark in the crop duster at four seventeen. It only took him a few minutes to fly across the Hudson-he just flew straight over, there was no other air traffic in the area.

Except for Craycroft.

Except for Craycroft. All right, Harris and I were going aboard the banana helicopter with the three transmitters and the electromagnet apparatus. It took six men to load the gear on the chopper, and our pilot was worried we might not be able to take off with that much weight on board. Then we got a call from Captain Grofeld.

What time?

Four twenty-five. He said he’d been authorized to issue the go order. We were to establish direct air-to-air radio contact with Williston in the crop duster and with the Air National Guard pilots in the Starfighters. General Hawley and Captain Grofeld would be on the same frequency. Of course we were taking a hell of a risk using open radio channels, but there wasn’t any other way to do it.

What risk?

Well, if Craycroft happened to be monitoring that particular frequency, he’d know every thing we were planning. We’d done our best to fool him, but we had no way of knowing whether it was working.

How did you try to fool him?

Ordinary contact was maintained between the air elements and the ground on the standard Air National Guard frequency. We figured if Craycroft was monitoring anything, he’d be on that band. We kept up intermittent chatter on that band. In the meantime the real orders were being delivered on a different frequency, one we’d designated by coded instructions that Craycroft couldn’t follow. Or at least we assumed he couldn’t. It was the Air National Guard code book, and he wouldn’t have had access to that, since the codes are changed frequently.

So you maintained a deception on the regular frequency, and executed the real plan on another frequency.

That’s right.

Very well. Now, at four twenty-six, approximately, you took off?

Our pilot revved up the two rotors. For a minute there it didn’t look like we were going to get off the ground at all, but finally we got off the pad. There wasn’t much breeze; otherwise I think we might have drifted against some goddamn building before we had enough altitude to clear them. It seemed to take forever to get above the buildings with that weight aboard. Anyway we established our radio contacts on both frequencies With the elements in the air and on the ground?

Right. The Starfighters, the crop duster, General Hawley, at Floyd Bennett Field, and Captain Grofeld at the bank. Williston’s crop duster was circling over Astoria, Queens, by the time we took station above midtown Manhattan. The Starfighters were circling at about five thousand feet-just below the bellies of the clouds. Now, we had established with General Hawley that Harris and I would call the shots from the helicopter, since we were in visible contact with what was going on. He’d agreed to that, with Captain Grofeld.

Go on, please.

We flew north at about forty miles an hour, moving uptown. We were holding to an altitude of seventeen hundred feet in the helicopter. That put us a couple of hundred feet higher than Craycroft’s bomber and some distance inside the oval of his flight path. He was traveling at about three times our speed, and he passed outboard of us on the way north.

The timing of your scheme was precarious, wasn’t it?

Very touchy. Very. The crop duster and the Starfighters had to coordinate their moves. The jets had to hit him immediately after the crop duster, If they were even a few seconds too late, it wouldn’t work because Craycroft would have time to react.

Describe the events, please.

We all had visual contact with one another, of course, and that made it easier. The technical problem was to get the crop duster out of the way of the jets.

Yes, I understand that.

You know it’s damned hard to describe the action when five things were going on simultaneously.

You’re doing very well so far, Sergeant.

I’ll try, anyway. The Starfighters were to come in from the west-from above the Palisades, on the Jersey shore. They had to fly straight at Craycroft. Collision course. At the same time, the crop duster had to come in from the east-behind Craycroft, because he had to be moving parallel to Craycroft. Now, the way we’d set it up, the crop duster would make its pass and then break right, turning north and dropping down a few feet. Then two of the Starfighters would make their passes and turn left-also north, but climbing away so they wouldn’t knock the crop duster around in their afterwash.

Right. Go on.

At the same time our helicopter had to be south of Craycroft’s plane. Our exact position didn’t matter, but we had to be within about a half mile of him when the planes made their passes at him. Our transmitters were pretty weak-that was on purpose-and we had to be in close range to make sure we were jamming his radio reception at that point.

I’m still with you, Sergeant.

(Laughter) Okay, I’ll try to keep it simple. We flew across town at about the level of Ninety-sixth Street, and we hovered at sixteen hundred feet directly above the Central Park Reservoir.

At what time did you reach that point?

Four forty. Craycroft was doing his little ballet over Brooklyn at that point. We could see him quite clearly-the air wasn’t very hazy. Of course, that meant he could see us, too.

Go on. What happened next?

We’d timed his circuits, of course, we knew it took him about three minutes from the time he crossed the East River into Manhattan to the time he made his turn at the top of Central Park. I started the stopwatch when he was crossing over above the Williamsburg Bridge.

That gave you a three-minute countdown to attack him?

Right. The jets were throttled down to three hundred miles art hour. They started in from a point fifteen miles due west of that point.

“That point” being his turn over Central Park?

Yes. In other words, starting from where they were, the jets would intercept Craycroft at a point roughly above Ninety-sixth Street and Amsterdam Avenue. Their run was timed to coincide with his.

I’ve got that. Proceed, please.

In the meantime the crop duster had a maximum airspeed of about a hundred and sixty miles an hour. It was a converted Piper Apache, by the way. Anyhow, it started from a point above Queens, some eight miles due west of that same interception point. The crop duster had to intercept him just ahead of the jets.

Of course.

Harris and I had our hands on the radio transmitters, ready to broadcast our jammer signals. Of course, we could see what was happening, and we’d push the buttons at the exact second when the crop duster went into action.

Now, let’s establish the exact purpose of this complicated maneuver, shall we?

The purpose was simple. To blind him and confuse him as to his location and bearings. The execution wasn’t so simple, of course.

And the jets were to deflect him from his course, is that right?

Two of them were. The third one was waiting to pounce on him.

All right. Go on with your narrative, Sergeant.

It all happened simultaneously, as I said. That’s what makes it hard to describe clearly. But I’ll do my best. Craycroft came up the East Side. He started his leftward turn, cutting across the Germantown area, slicing off a northeast corner of the park, reaching the apex of the turn right over the northern tip of the park at Lenox Avenue. At that point the crop duster had also crossed the East River and was about fifty feet above the bomber. The crop duster was flying parallel to him, a bit to his left. The crop duster passed him and was perhaps thirty feet ahead of him when the bomber, making its leftward turn, passed under the tail of the crop duster.

Meanwhile the jets were where?

Just crossing the Hudson River, a bit south of the bomber and a mile to the west.

The bomber flew under the tail of the crop duster. Then?

The crop duster dumped its load. Eighty gallons of thick white paint in a high-pressure spray.

The spray hit the nose of Craycroft’s bomber?

It covered it completely. Painted the nose of the plane white and dappled the fuselage halfway back its length. The paint completely covered Craycroft’s windshield and side windows Windows which were sealed, so that he couldn’t open them to look out.

That’s right. Our intention was to blind him. We succeeded. Now, as soon as we saw the paint spray issue from the tanks of the crop duster, Harris and I hit every button in sight. This activated the three transmitters and the electromagnet. The transmitters jammed his radiocompass and his LORAN navigation system. The electromagnet deflected his magnetic compass.

So the effect on Craycroft was He abruptly found himself blinded. His instruments were going haywire-needles spinning all over the place. He no longer knew where he was or what direction he was heading.

Then the jets The two Starfighters hit him in tandem. They swept directly over the bomber, about twenty feet above his tail, and as they crossed above him they made steep banking turns to the left.

What was the effect of that maneuver?

The jet exhausts from both planes struck Cray-croft’s bomber at point-blank range. The bomber was pushed-literally pushed-nearly half a mile off its course.

Straight out over the Hudson River.

Yes, sir. That was where the third Starfighter hit him. Slammed him full of twenty-millimeter cannon fire. Knocked him straight down into the river. The B-17 came apart in several pieces before it hit the river.

And the bombs?

Well, that was the crux, wasn’t it? He’d reacted the way you’d expect. He pushed the bomb-release lever.

When?

A lot faster than we’d expected. Incredibly fast reaction. I mean he had to absorb what was happening to him, and then he had to understand he was being attacked, and then he had to decide what to do about it, and then he had to hit the bomb-release lever. He got all that done in not more than three seconds flat. It was fantastic. There was no way to have predicted he’d have reacted so fast.

Give us your eyewitness recollection, please.

The bombs seemed to fall from the plane just a split second after he’d been hit by the jet exhausts from the fighters. Long before he was over the river. Of course the bombs arched outward. He’d been in a steep turnfl when we hit him, and his forward momentum had been accelerated by the crashing blow of the jet exhausts. But just the same, he was still over Manhattan when he released the bombs. That was what we hadn’t anticipated. It was my fault. Mine and Harris’. We just hadn’t counted on him being so goddamned fast.

Go on.

We could see the bombs weren’t going to hit anywhere near the middle of Harlem. But at first-as the bombs fell away, for several seconds that were real agony-we couldn’t be sure they wouldn’t hit those high-rise buildings west of Broadway. The angle of our viewpoint was flat and we couldn’t really make out the trajectory. It looked like half of the Upper West Side was going to blow up, though.

And in the end…

They’re building a new sewage-treatment plant on the river side of the Henry Hudson Parkway. There are dozens of very tall cranes there. Construction machinery. The parkway itself has been closed for repairs, so there was no traffic on it. The bombs dropped in sticks on the highway overpass and about four of them crashed into that high tangle of construction cranes and booms. It was earsplitting. The shock wave knocked us around-in the air like a kite. A good deal of shrapnel went up, but because of the slant of the bomb fall, it all went out toward the river. It was a hell of an explosion-series of explosions. Incredible wreckage up there, as you know. The highway’s been buckled for nearly a quarter of a mile, and that sewage plant’s a complete ruin. But there were no casualties. That was the miracle. A watchman was stunned on the construction site, but he was inside the shack and it saved him. He’s recovered. There wasn’t anybody else there-they’re union workers, they’d quit work at four thirty.

Then none of the bombs actually went into the river as you’d intended?

Only two of them. They went in just offshore. The two explosions were still making incredible geysers of water when Craycroft’s plane was shot down.

How did you feel at that moment? Can you recall?

Scared shitless, Mr. Skinner. If those jets had been two seconds later, every last one of those bombs would have blown up an apartment house.

Azzard (Cont’d)

We didn’t tumble to what he was up to until it was almost too late. Don’t forget, we weren’t eyeballing him. I had a surveillance team tracking him by radio-the bleeper in his belt. We thought he’d gone into a hideout. Finally the signal started to move very slowly. When my team reported that to me, I told them to get the hell over there in a hurry. I realized what it was. He’d gone aboard a boat.

Your men reached the harbor and he was still in sight?

Yes. They made visual contact, commandeered a launch-a private speedboat, actually-and went after him. This was after the blowup. As they approached, they called out to him. Informed him that his partner had been shot down. I guess he hadn’t heard the explosions, that far out on the island. It’s quite a few miles from where Craycroft went down. Anyhow, they were close enough to see he was shocked by the news. They ordered him to heave to.

Did he comply?

No. He opened his boat up to full speed.

And your men gave pursuit?

Yes. The launch was much faster than Ryterband’s fishing boat. But the way he was zigzagging, they couldn’t get close enough to get aboard his boat. They fired a few revolver rounds overhead.

What did he do then?

You know what he did, of course.

I’d like to hear it from you, Mr. Azzard. We get various versions of all the events from various witnesses. You had the official reports of your own agents, who were eyewitnesses. What did Ryterband do?

He threw two bulky duffel bags overboard into the water. Then he made a sharp turn across the bows of my agents’ boat-almost swamped them-and while they were sorting themselves out, Ryterband jumped overboard.

He disappeared?

Yes. We never found him.

You made attempts to recover his body and the money?

Yes. But Long Island Sound is far too deep and turbulent to be dragged. We never recovered either the money or Ryterband’s body.

How far was that from the nearest land?

About eight miles.

Brian Garfield

Target Manhattan

Grofeld (Cont’d)

In the wake of the events, were efforts made to recover portions of the B-17 and Craycroft’s body?

We dragged the river. A lot of the debris had been carried away by the current, but we came up with a substantial portion of the forward fuselage. The cockpit. It was pretty near intact. A few of the windows had blown out, from concussion. The rest were still coated with paint.

You never found his body?

No.

Ryterband’s body hasn’t been recovered either?

Nor the five million dollars ransom, for that matter.

Was either man known to be a strong swimmer?

Ryterband was a pretty good swimmer as a boy. I wasn’t able to find out about Craycroft.

Skinner

Dear Mr. Mayor:

Enclosed are edited, partial transcripts of interviews with some of the participants in the Craycroft affair.

To date the inquiry has produced more questions than answers. By way of a preliminary report to the commission, I prefer to let the witnesses’ testimony speak for itself.

There is evidence of human error and bureaucratic foot-dragging, but there is also evidence of extraordinary competence and initiative. Captain Henry L. Grofeld, NYPD, should be singled out for particular commendation. It may be suggested that certain men of faulty judgment were found to be in dangerous positions of power during the critical moments, but the most deadly thrust of the crisis was averted by decisive men. That such men were called upon and were available may be regarded as lucky coincidence; yet I am inclined to believe it was largely a matter of natural selection. Mr. Jack Harris, Sergeant William J. O’Brien (NYPD), and Mr. David Eastlake of the Federal Reserve Bank may seem at first glance to have been fortuitously placed, but one can also infer that when crises occur, men will appear who are willing and able to confront them.

One cannot be sure that the solutions offered in media res by Brigadier General Michael J. Adler, Jr., or by Joel Azzard, District FBI Director, might not have proved as minimally destructive as the method actually employed. Men of goodwill but of different persuasions often find common ground on which to pool their resources in time of urgent crisis. To coin a cliche, adversity brings out the best in us all.

For those reasons I do not believe any useful purpose would be served by empaneling an additional superagency designed to deal with extraordinary crises which may occur in future. Freak incidents, by definition, cannot be anticipated or prepared for. Adding another layer to the bureaucracy would not contribute usefully to the pool of talent currently available-a pool whose flexibility, as we have seen, is a major virtue. We cannot codify every possible crisis; we can only muddle on.

Sincerely,

Robert Wendell Skinner, Ph. D.

Content

Brian Garfield
Target Manhattan

DeFeo

Swarthout

Maitland

Rabinowitz

Toombes

O’Brien

Harris

Azzard

Valkenburg

Grofeld

Harris (Cont’d)

Valkenburg (Cont’d)

Channing

Adler

Ryterband (E. M.)

Maitland (Cont’d)

Eastlake

O’Brien (Cont’d)

Azzard (Cont’d)

Eastlake (Cont’d)

Grofeld (Cont’d)

Harris (Cont’d)

Grofeld (Cont’d)

Adler (Cont’d)

Grofeld (Cont’d)

Harris (Cont’d)

O’Brien (Cont’d)

Grofeld (Cont’d)

Eastlake (Cont’d)

Grofeld (Cont’d)

O’Brien (Cont’d)

Azzard (Cont’d)

Skinner